AFM for the next 3 to 5 years.
(FSP) have accepted the AFM's scheme.
The rejection of this proposal by the main bourgeois parties the Popular Democrats and the Centre Democrats stems from the fact that they are not satisfied with the record of the AFM in holding back the mass struggles, and want an army which will be a reliable instrument of repression on behalf of the capitalists. They are convinced that the only way to do that is to get the military out of politics and away from the mass pressures to which they are subjected at all levels in their present role.
REVOLUTIONARY LEFT But it was not only the bourgeois parties that turned the AFM down -they pot the cold shoulder as well from groups on the revolutionary left. These groups understand that the AFM is a very diverse grouping. which contains within it all sorts of different political currents, including outright reactionaries. To hand political power to the AFM does not avoid the struggle over the different ways forward in Portugal, it simply bottles it up inside the army (indeed, Inside the ranks of the officers) where the ability of the working class to make its demands felt is relatively But there are even more basic reasons why the Communist Party's strategy of relying on the AFM to defend democracy and working class interests is disastrous. THE ARMED FORCES MOVENENT, the main political force in Portugal today, has run into difficulty with its attempt to make a deal with the various political parties taking part in the upcoming election. The AFM had hoped to get the main parties to agree in advance that the new constitution they are to draw up will leave political power centred in the hands of the But so far only the Communist Party and what is basically its front group, the Portuguese Democratic Movement, and two groups to the left of the CP the Left Socialist Movement (MES) and the Popular Socialist Front Bible for the working class to take power, it rules out any long reem 'midtle ground solution between working class power and a new reactionary takeover. The only way to defend democracy and choke off the threat of reaction for good is by smashing the political rule of the capitalist state and putting in its place a workers state.
This is certainly not a fight which the AFM can lead. Indeed, even the mote progressive elements in the AFM are apposed to workers powe.
For example, one of the most leftwing elements in its leadership, Brig commander of the military socurity force COPCON, spent must of the three days following the abortive coup demanding wat the workers give up their barricades, roadblocks and armed patrols and let him run things.
Of course. the ranks of the army - provided they are able to break away from the hierarchy and system of discipline that the capitalist state has imposed on them (something the AFM seeks to defend). Certainly. there may also be many left-wing officers who would be prepared to support such moves and place themselves alongside the working class in the fight for a socialist Portugal.
by the class collaboration of the CP. but hy developments like those that have taken place in RAL 1 the lettwing artilery unit that was attacked on Il March There the military hic rarchy has been partly pushed aside and replaced by democratic mass meetings of all ranks.
build socialism in Portugal is not to sow lusions in the mixed political anisation of both workers and soldittees and workers committees.
BEJEEY rule. It would push the AFM aside, ers gorernment basing itself on the organised struagle of the masses including the "workers in uniform"
But the way forward is shown not The role of those who want to bag that leads the AFM, but to promote the independent, democratic org jers, and to encourage the Linking up sE a levels or elected so chers commThis would destroy the capitalist - the lynchpin of capitalist class but allow it to be replaced by a work-