The Bloody Sunday commemoration rally organised by the Troops Dut Movement in London's Conway Hall on 1 February this year or heroes rather than educating the masses to fight for their own liberation. Terrorism artificially substitutos the individual act for the whole histthe action of the masses leads to the conscious solution of society's prohleins.
onsibility of the ruling class for all anti social violence, terrorist acts lead to confusion over the real source of violence. lend credibility to the ruling class's pretence of desuring peace, and, as the Littlejohn and Lennon affairs so clearly show. provide a fertile fid for agents arpvocafeurs. The groundswell of opton in bett the six counties and the twenty six countles for peace at any coal in the wake of the Harmingham bombings and the passage of the Jenkins witch-huat 'anti-terr orist laws is a striking example of the confusion sown by a lerrorist campaign. The 'peace rallies spons ored by the churches drew crowds of thousands, in some cases tens of thousanda, and undoubtedly added to the pressure on the Provisionals roseck an agreament with the British "TROOPS OUT NOW"
Che present downcurn of the Irish struggle is the absence of a mass revalutionary party which understands the combied character of the natjonalist and socialist revolution and luch has a Marxist perspective of gle around anti-imperialist and democratic demands as a bridge to the Irisa secialist revolution. We must• give all possible ussistance to the Revolutionary Marxist Group, the Irish section of the Fourth Internatsonal, in its attempt to build such a masa Leninist combat party in Ireoppressed towards individual saviours one process of class strugple in which Kather than uncovering the respAct.
One of the key factors underiying fighting to lead the masses into strug The most valuable support that we could give both the RMG and the Irish revolution as a whole would be an all-out effort lo give leadership in Britain to a campaign for the immediate withdrawal of the troops. The dangers posed by the shift in the relatlonship of forces towards the loyalists make such a campaign an urg ent necessity. The absence of'a mass movement for immediate troop withdrawal has been a major factor behind the downtum in the Irish struggle. since il has given British imperialism wide room for manoeuvre and inc reased the sense of isolation leit by the Catholic minority in the north Our top priority task in the cuming period must be the building of the Troops Out Movement (TOM). We must assign a large proportion of our membership to build this campaign and help win it wade support in the labour, student and other morements. We should seck to build the TOM into a massive, united fronttype coaltion, on a alass action per TOM. spective, Ior the immediate, total and unconditional withdrawal of British troops from Norchern Ireland, the end of internment, the freeing of the politicat prisoners and the repeal of the Energency Provisions Troops Out Now!' must be the centrat singan of the TOM. It concretises ou rocognition of the denocratic right of the Irish people co self-deternanation. We oppose dem- Britain ands like those for phased withdrawal or withdrawal to barracks which violate the right of the Irish people to determine their own affais. British imperialiom has no right to maintain any troops in Ireland for a single da, outside or inside barracks!
The Troops Out Now" position strikes at the heart of imperiatist policy in Ireland - the military occupation of the north and concretises revolutionary defeatism into a demand that is understandable to British workers and one which they cin act on. It provides a hasis for