Japanese Imperialism Today, by Jon Halliday and Gavan McCormack (Penguin, 50p)/Tariq All Given the fact that Japan today constitutes the second largest capitalist cconomy in the world, it is somewhat regrettable that this development has not been analysed in any detail by Marxists in both Europe and America. It was Nixon's declaration of economic war against Japan in August 1972 which brought this deficiency home to the left with a vengeance. All of a sudden socialists are beginning to grasp the importance of the Japanese link in the imperialist chain.
Japanese Imperialism Today is the first serious attempt to come to grips with the probiems raised by the new rise of Japanese imperialism. As such it represents an imporlant rain for the revolutionary left as a whole. The two authors substantiate virtually every assertion with Impeccable documentary evidence. We are provided with an invaluable account of how US Imperialism exploited its post-war dominance to penetrate the Japanese coonomy, and the existing inter-relationships between Japanese and US capital are carefully studied and explained. US firms account for 65% of the foreigh capital invested in Japan and in certain felds their controi is total: IBM controls 70% of Japan's computer market via local subsidiaries and a similar situation exists in relation to the oil market. Nevertheless in a number of sectors US control has been declining as Japanese capitalism has, since the mid-60%, instituted a number of effective restrictions to prevent giant US corporations from owning more than 35% of capital in Japan. MILITARISM It is in the context of the rapid development of Japanese capital and the emergence of Japan at a serious challenger to US investments in Asia that we have to appraise the parallel rise of Japanese militarism. Chapter 3 is, in this regard, the most useful chapter in the entire book. Halliday and McCormack describe in detail how US imperialism has kept the Japanese army in existence ever since the war ended (Japanese troops who had occupied Korea during the 30% were used again by the United States during the 1950-53 Korean war!). The "pacifist" clauses in the Japanese Constitution, prepared by the State DepartJapanese student ment, have essentially been used as a smokescreen both in Japan and the United States by the respective ruling classes of the two countries.
Thus the official designation of the Japanese army even today is "Self Defence Force." From forces numbering 75,000 in 1950 this "Self Defence Force' had grown to 230,000 in 1971 and by 1975 Japan (if it is still non-nuclear) will have the strongest non-nuclear striking force in the world. Ever since the Korean war a sector of Japanese industry has been devoted to armaments. The Vietnam war has acted as another boost. The result is that Japan is today 'self-sufficient' as far as war materials are concerned.
The growth of the armed forces and the production of armaments is clearly not designed for "reasons of prestige.' In the coming period Japanese imperialism is going to play a more vigorous role in defending its investments in neighbouring countries. An open and public re-involvement by Japanese imperialism in aiding the counter-revolutionary strategy of world imperialism by the use of military force is therefore on the order of the day. The evidence produced by Halliday and McCormack in this regard is absolutely devastating Of course it would be incorrect to over-emphasise this development. There exists in Japan a strong anti-militarist and anti-imperialist tradition which has shown its strength on many an occasion since the Second World War. The destruction of Hiroshima and Nagasaki has not been forgotten by the Japanese working class. Given this tradition which has strong roots in the masses and given an increasingly combative working class and peasantry, the Japanese ruling class will be confronted with many hurdles internally. WEAKNESSES Unfortunately Japunese Imperialism Today only deals with the domestic class struggle in pussing There is no serious study of the developments inside the Japanese workers' movement coinciding with the resurgence of Japanese capital. Not is there a chapter on the Japanese Communist Party, the Jupanese Socalist Party of the revolutionary left which has developed over the inst decade. This is a serious absence in the book, precisely because it could lead to an over estimation of the objective strength of Japanese imperialism and its potential for military adventures. A second defect is the confusion the book displays in relation to the Sino-Japanese rapprochement and Tanaka's visit to Peking. All this is naively taken (in accordance with the handouts distributed by Peking) as a victory for "China's revolutionary diplomacy. Even tho most generous of critics would be forced to regard this as a somewhat myopic view of the Chinese turn, The latter has to be seen totally, both from the strategic interests of imperialism and the interests of the bureaucracy in power in Peking (surely the elimination of Lin Piao and the re-emergence of Teng Hsiao Ping should worry even ardent Maoists). Nixon's visit to Peking may or may not have "stimulated uncase in Tokyo." It certainly stimulated more than mere unease in Hanol! It also stimulated Nixon's election victory in 1972 and the latter stimulated the American ruling class to carry out the most destructive Taids in the history of imperialism over the Democratic Republic of Vietnam in December 1972. So Marxists approaching developments in a scientific way should be careful before adopting phrases such as revolutionary dip lomacy. It is clear that the Chinese Icadership have opted for a course of peaceful co existence in Asia, not dissimilar to the role the Soviet bureaucracy has played in Europe for many decades, Their actions should therefore be approached and appraised scientifically, and the same criteria must be used which have been applied to judge the actions of the Soviet Union.
However despite These two weaknesses Japanese Imperiliam Today is a book which has opened an extremely valuable and long needed discussion. It should be bought and studied by every revolutionary militant.