IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

Who's afraid of Vladimir Bukovsky?

· Red Weekly No. 78, 28 November 1974 · pp. 5-6 of the scan · 1,173 words

The scan: rw-no78-nov-28-1974.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
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page 5 of the scan

in the Roebuck pub, THE STRUGGLE FOR IN KURDISTAN IMIG Pubie Meeting Saturday 30 November at 6.00pm Tottenham Court Road (Warren Street tube)

the Missing Report. ember. Interest Give. and quickly. The strains of the lailure 1. Large-scale defections of soldiers and officers to the Kurds, coupled with the battle order of the Ba'athists 3. The execution of officers who British socialists must understand Preparations for the National Union of Students Conference at Margate this weekend are acquiring the elements of a susperse story: the Case of A number of local students unloe were preparing to ask written questions on the NUS Executive's report on Soviet dissidents before the deadline for such questions, which wus 5pm last Friday, 22 Novhad been intens ified by the nows that there was a minority report on the issue, opposing the Communist Party dominated "Broad Left" majority of the ExecutBut Friday 22 Novenher passed away without so much as a murmur. let alone Vladinir Bukovsky, at present serving a 12 year prison sentence in the USSR for campaigning for democratic liberties. The Bertrand Russeli Peace Foundation has called for international action in March 1975 to demand Bukoraky's release. The Kreanlin gave him a particularly severe sentence after he had effectmely exposed the use of prychiatric hosp itals as a means of tecrorising the opp osition. Bukovsky himself has spent six TO BE ACOUS SHEETAL MOTHERS 2T0 prisons, including the notorious Serbsky Institute, for circulating copies of Djilas "The New Class" in 1962.

a mimcographed report, from the Execut EMBARRASSMENT The Communist Party's emoarrass ment is understandable. For them, prot. esting against the reprossion of former Leaders of the Czechoslovaking Communist Party Like Yaroslav Sebata is one thing; but opposing the imprisonment of Soviet sooinlisc oppositionists like Geoeral Prote Grigorcake, or Soviet civil rights leaders like Visdimir Bukorsky, or spokemen Tor oppressed nationalities like the Ukrquite another.

The leadership of the Communist Party would like us to believe that the Invasion of Czechuslovakia in 1968,and the subsequent purges and imprisonment of Party members and revolutionary socJalists, were an aberrarion, an untortunate and even deplorable erception to the general tule in Eastern Europe.

In reality, of course, it is not the repression in Coochoslovakia that bas heen the exception, but rather the Dub cekire liberatiation witch proceded it The facts of political repression in the USSK can no longer be suriously challen god. It would be impossible for CP ENORTO SOLIDARITARTLE I incarceration of Grigorenko and Bakov sky in mental bospitals was a humanitit possible for the Western Communist Parties to put forward the oid line that some hundreds of dissident intellectunis many of whom prociaim their support for socialism, amount to a dire counter evolutionary threat to the conquests of the October Revolution.

So instead they try to portray the repression in the Soviet Union as a marginal feature of Life in that country occasionally deploring the use of 'admi istrative measares to deal with political BUREAUCRACY For socialists in the West, however, it is not Grigorenko or Bukaysky or Moroz who present a 'political problem" in the Soviet Union, but the Kremlin bunaucracy itself. Not is the Kremlin's terrorisation of the dissident intellectunis task for the bureaucracy, in Its efforts to crush the aspirations of the working masses Lor a return to workces woocrac and soviet power.

It is thus fact, that the power of the regimes throughout Eastern Enrope rests on the muppression of workers democracy ASTSUIS CARSTILAINSORHE with the imprisonment of oppositionists in the Soviet Calon. And for the British Communist Party to admit this would amount to a denunciation of litty years of its own history, sittee the history of The CPGB since the rise of Stalin has been one Jong tale of subordinating the inter MOUSSEUM WITH 3U 10 3153 ment to the interests of tbe Kremlin bur елистасу, The test for the NUS Executive maj ority at Margate this wokend will be quite clear cut: will they coke vigorous measures in support of the international cunpuign to release both the Croch socinlists Tiri Mueller and Jaroslar Sabata and the Soviet dissident Vladimir Hukosty? Will they atfempt to wrench the campaign for democratic rights in the USSR out at the hands of the Observer and the Forcien Office and call for the release of imprisoned dissidents in the name of the socialiar movement in this country Their reluctance to publicise their own report on Soviet dissidents sugaests that the Executive has no such intention and that a struggle must he launched on ional Union of Students with a socialist policy towards the suppression of dem ocratic rights in Eastern Europe Oliver MacDonald

page 6 of the scan

trade union organisation. Heath, speaking in Oxford before the election, rebuffed calls for 3 million they could say.

45 seconds.

itical suicide for the Tories.

ustry. The state would provide the cash ities.

cooperatives. As the stock exchange crashes to below its 1935 value, many capitalists are losing their composure Labour Chancellor Healey's budget, giving industry E1% billion when it needs C3 billion immedintely, reduced the Investor's Chronice to black depression: "Capitalism could die of neglect" ls all The press and TV report only 'spectacular" events like the Court Line crash and the financial turmoil of Ferranti and British Leyland. It is in the small print of the bosses papers that the truth comes out. In the Companies Court, recently, Justice McGarry wound up 200 companies in a thres hour session - he event congratulated the Clerk for hurrying business at the rate of one flem every The ruling class have endless economic policies by which they would like to get the working class to take the burden of the crisis. But they don't have the politieat means for carrying through any policy because of the proven strength of working class resistance to incomes policy, and attacks on unemployed saying such a policy would provoke a wave of factory occupations and would be polThe ruling class of course, remain implacably opposed to nationalisation. if every firm tacing financial ruin was nationalised, nearly one-third of British industry would be taken out of private hands. The biggest cabal of capitalists support Harold Lever's plan for direct state finance to ind how the money is used. That way profits will be guaranteed, but jobs left last on the list of prior in the labour movement the fight for nationalisation of firms to avoid redundancy will mount as more fiems crash, fold-up or try to cut the work-force, But for Benn and the Cabinet, the fight for nationalisation has nothing to do with defence of jobs against the bosses and the banks - it is all a matter of the 'viability' of each enterprise on the capitalist market.

It is Benn's hedging over workers facing redundancies that has re-awakened ideas about 'workers but without strings. There would be no controls over Jimmy Reid, speaking to the workers at John Brown's shipyards, on the Clyde s 1971. This struggle, although doomed to failure, reawakened interest in the que salf-management and co operatives.

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