On the afternoon of 16 May three specinily chartered aircraft flew into Buenos Aires, the capital city of Argentina. As the passengers left the plane they were greeted by banners and pla cards emblazoned with political slogans, and crowds of demonstrators chanting "For every liberated fighter a gun i waiting This uncompromising slogan must have given the newly. elected President of Argentina, Hector Campora, second thoughts about his decision to release the political prisomers jailed by his military predecessors.
PRISONERS FREED For the two hundred passengers returning on these planes were militants of the various guerilla groups that have been fighting the Argentinian military dictatorship arms-in-hand for the past four years. Campora's decision to release them was made necessary by the eruption of a mass movement in the wake of his electoral victory demanding immediate froodom for these heroic fighters.
Campora was Inaugurated as President on 25 May, and the same afternoon a mass demonstration took place oubade one of the main Buenos Aires prisons. Forty thousand demonstraton, unwilling to wall for the government decided to take matters into their own hands and storm the prison. That evening Campora hastily issued a pardon for the prisoners, and their release began at 11 p.m. ARMED STRUGGLE There are four main guerilla groups in Argentina, all of which were represented among the teleased prisoners. Two of these consider the macives part of the 'Peronist' movement, followers of former "popular" President Jun Peron, the main body of which is the Justicialist Movement to which President Campora belongi. These groups have indicated their support for the present government. But by far the most important of the guerilla groups is the People's Revolutionary Army (ERP), led by the Revolutionary Worken" Party (PRT), Argentinian section of the Fourth International. It is the insistence of this group in maintaining its independenco that gives Campora his current headaches. In order to grasp the relationship between the new government, the popular movement that is backing it, and the armed orginisations, it is necessary to look back a few years. From May 1969 on the harsh military dictatorship ruling Argentina, headed by Generul Lanusse, met with increasing resistance from the working class. This led to aseries of general strikes and local armed uprisings, coupled with the rise of armed guerilla forces that were able to impose important deleats on the dictatorship. The Argentinian ruling class was Torced to turn towards the restoration of "democratic' government as a means of heading off this growing revolutionary movement.
ELECTIONS The only major force in Argentinian politics with mass popular support is the Peronist movement, basing itself on a long history of reformist and anti-imperialist thetoric. The military regime thus agreed to step down from power and allow, for the first time in many years, free clections to be held. The victory of the Peronist candidate Campora, under these circumstances, was inevitable.
After this victory the new Argentinian government has to follow the dificult path of trying to keep the support of the masses from whom they gain their influence, but without alenating the Argentinian ruling class, in particular the military, who could easily change their altitude towards democracy should their interests be threatened.
ECONOMIC TROUBLES Big economic problems - particularly a very high rate of inflation - face the country. But the new government will bave difficulty in taking any drastic action direcled against either the Argentinian capitalists or the imperialist businesses with which "national' capital has very close relations. Such moves would encourage the ruling dass and imperialism to turn back to the army.
It will be necessary, in the long run, to place the burden of these problems onto the backs of the working class. But Argentina has one of the largest, most highly organised and most class conscious working classes in Latin America, Fortunately for Campora the bureaucracy in the General Confederation of Labour (CGT) has a long history of Peronist sympathies, and can be counted on to coopetate with the government. But the CGT bureaucrats are worried about the effect of this on their members: if any sort of alternative leadership exists for the working class. the bureaucrats could find themselves in deep trouble.
ALTERNATIVE It as just this alternative that the guerilla groups could open up. Thus Campori cannot afford to tolerate any movement that has prestige and influence among the masses, and is not under the thumb of the Peronist leadership. The refusal of the ERP to jump on the Peronist band wagon is thus very important. In a recently issued statement they charge. 'He (Campora) is talking about national unity bet ween the oppressor army and the oppressed, bet ween the exploiters and the exploited workers, between the oligarchic landowners and the dispossessed peons "
The ERP has pledged itself not to launch any armed attacks against the government, as long as the govern ment does not attack the people or try to suppress the guerilla organisations. However, it plans to continue the fight against the armed forces, foreign imperialist business operations, and known political criminals of the old regime, PERONIST ATTACK The government aod the Peronist movement have responded by launching s witch hunt against the ERP and its supporters. Peron himsell, from exile in Spain, has made a publie statement denourcing the ERP as provoca the workers movement in biood. rian state power. teurs. A group calling itself the Security Command of the Social Justice Movement has said that it will kill 10 'leftists' for every The fact that this campaign has been launched. despite the pledge of the ERP not to physically attack the government suggests that its real purpose is not the defense of the Peronist movement, but to serve as a prelude to the yal al liquidation of all oposition on the The government has issued an ultimatum to the Peronist guerillas to give up their arms. But so far they have failed to comply. Many retain bitter memories of the experience of September 1955, when the Peronist leadership replied to the military coup that removed Peron from power by calling on the people to "wait" and to 'avoid civil war." The result of this was to leave the military free to drown Argentinian revolutionaries have a big job ahead of them. They must sink deep roots into the mass movement unicashed by the elections, strive to win the most politically advanced sections from Peronism to revolutionary. Marxism, push the struggles of the The unanimour voc wish which the congress of the Christian Democrats, Italy's main capitalist party, closed on Sunday providad no solution to the country s partiamentary crisis. Party chiafs Rumor and Fantani are now working for a new bentre-laft coalition with the Socialist Party, foliowing Prime Minister Andreotti's decition to dissoive /tir Cattra Right government on Toesday. Rumor is expected to head the new government whie Fanfani takes the key beh ind the-scenes post of Party Secretary. Socialist politicias have afready welcomed the Chrisint Damocrat's eft tum' and ara ready for the the make-up of the new government. Bot. the "unanimity ofthe Christian Democrats is fregile in tha exereote, with the austed Andreatti and his supporters foaking increasingty to the extrame righr for backing.
Three students from the University of Belgrade - Milan
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MURLO BUTLOU