IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

Back to the bad old days, when Orange was king!

Red Weekly No. 69, 26 September 1974 · p. 4 of the scan · 876 words

The scan: rw-no69-sep-26-1974.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-4 of 6; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 4 of the scan

The Irish issue is almost totally missing from the election today, this policy is in ruins.

The Manifesto charts the new course being taken by the Labour Government in the last few months lince the victory of the Loyalist General Strike. And it Jeaves ten years of consistent ruling class policy behind, No more, the committment to "democratise the sectanan orange itate summed up in "power-sharing': No more, the move towards a federal lution summed up in "the Irish Dimension The Manifesto blatantly sets out the intention to recreate Protestant supremacy. In such a plan, "powersharing" means at most the inclusion of the odd renegade under Protestant domination. And 'the Irish dimendon" means little more than the indis Ser between the North and the South Once more the Labour Government the master of a reactionary push against the nationalist population.

Faced with the choice of either supporting the demand of the Irish people to determine their own fuunt or defending the imperial intL, the Labour Party has no hesde in choosing And so, nght its very first time in office, Labour Party and successive For governments have been the est defenders of partition ad of the necessary repression of Che Catbolic minority in the six at les that follows.

LABOUR'S RECORD

In 1924 it was the Labour leader Ramsay MacDonald who worked out with the Drange leaders the actsal division of Ireland. This estab### BRIAN GROGAN campaigns of all the major parties. This might seem surprising.

After all. British imperialism's policy for Ireland has been slavishly followed by all the parties for the last ten years. And But the issue is not completely blacked out. It is there in the actions of the Labour Government. It is there in the person of Powell. It is there in the muted debate growing inside the Labour Party and the trade unions about the role of British troops. And it is there in the ominous words of the Labour Party Manifesto.

Wilson - toasting the Loyalists?

putable fact that there's a common bor- started over ten years ago.

strategy attempted to transfer the policing of British imperialist inter ests from the Orange ruling class in the North to the Southern Irish rulling class. The victory of the Loyalist General Strike finally ended the power-sharing' project of the Sunningdale Agreement.

Now the Labour Government wants to revert to its original strategy of an alliance with the Loyalists:

To do this it has called the Constitutional Convention. True to form, the Labour election manifesto paints a pretty picture of the democratic nature of this body: "It will be a convention of northem Irish people, elected by northern Irish people. But as long as the artificial northern state exists, this can only mean handing things over Once the situation is stable the Labour Government &s then in favour of withdrawing the troops. The army cannot replace the police and it will be the aim of the Labour powcrement to encourage the whole com munity to support the polce scevice. which would enable the army to make a planned, orderly and progressive reduction in its present commitments.

This can only mean one thing, the Catholics will be again haltered into supporting the sectarian police forces. To ensure that happens, the Labour Government has spent the few months since the Cieneral Strike beefing up the strength of the Loyalists. Presum ably, the legalisation and arming of the protestant vigilantes under the name of the 'special reserves" is all part of encouraging the whole community to support the police service, FIGHTING SPIRIT The role of the troops will he lo rebuild the old Orange state. From now until the calling of the Constitutional Convention next Spring the Labour Government intends to hund up the strength of the Loyalists over the Republicans.

But the Repuolican population is not going to take this lying down. The fighting spint of the Catholic ghettos and the actions of the Provisional IRA which have plagued all imperialism's plans are still there. Moves in the direction of civil war are heing made by the very actions of the Labour Government itsels.

And yet Ine Party Manifesto spews out the rubbish that a sudden withdrawal in advance of any political settlement would leave a vacuum which would certainly be filled by the paramilitary groups, with a grave possibility of civil war."

The best way of preventing tus build up of Loyalist strength is to remove the troops immediately. The best way of undermining the idea that the Protestants have some God given nght to dominate the Catholic minority is to wilhdraw the troops now THE MISS Ireland will not this election unl centre.

There are thi which we can ar *In the fight intervention of we must make t This is the best questions about a strong state. we must ensure bilisations again Enoch Powell. ened to speak i *Wherever IC idates we shoule interest to expo Labour Governr has forced the I cannot, of cours ICRA candidate ever understand may be.

*We must int our Party meeti issue. We shoul cal Labour Party involved in our and in the organ front meetings c drawal of troops Labour MPs sho support the Oct

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IRE MAKE IT

← THE ELECTIONLABOUR' S RECORD - A BAD IRISH JOKE →

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