Harry Selby, rising like a diminutive pheonix from the ashes of the SNP win at the Govan by-election, showed that Heath's confrontation tactics lad succeeded in rescuing the Scottish Labour Party from its own inabuity to deal with the nationalist challenge. Labour's traditional base was mobilised, and there was a significant turn back to Labour in the urban working class centres, with the possible excep tion of Dundee, Indeed it was the Tories who were hurt most by the SNI, Large sections of the middle class, squealing at the crosion of their economic secunty. voted SNP in protest.
But the Labour Party cannot alford complacency-disillusion in another Labour Government bould extend the nationalist support to the Labour heartland, from its now well-established bases in rural псай ало пле втанет гома мисаму se SNP has broad support amongst young skilled workers, and in the This is a result of the crisis of cial-democracy, and not of the trinie merit of the SNP, which concentrated on glossy and misleading propaganda about what could be done with the profits from Scotish oil. As the oil has sceped into be SNP, the radicalism of the older nationalist movement has seeped out.
The Communist Party also suffered from the broad desire to get the Tories out, but this cannot explain the meagre 5,000 vote for Jimmy Reid, nor can the disgusting camwign of sander against him in the press. The fact is that for nearly wo decades the CP has not broken a oting pattern which gives them an vtrage of about 500 votes in induslal areas in the West of Scotland.
entral Dunbartonshire (where Reid ight), and Central Fife (Willie Gallacher's old constituency, where the CP polled over 1,000) have been exceptions, hut not exceptional mough, and despite the CP's illusions, and the pouring of all of their resources into Clydehank, Reid never had a chance. What price the British Road? Harold Wilson, browsing through the morning papers after his first night back at number 10, must have been reassured by the warm welcome he received from the principal ruling Class organs.
The Times undertook to plead Labour's case: "We did not in the least want the election of the Labour Government., Our testimony may therefore be givea some weight by those in Britain or abroad who fear a Labour Government." Ft's all right, it reassured the capitalist class "in Britain or abroad': "This will not by any means be a government of wild men,' It went on to list the "principal members" who would probably make up the Government. "not one of whom is other than a thoroughly responssble and experienced moderate."
PALATABLE 'REDS'
Lest it be accused of trying to sweep Labour's reds" under the rug for is it the bedi, the Tiner dragged them nut into broad daylight and demonstrated their basic palatability by wallowing them whole: "Mr Foot... is a devoted traditional paramentarian, and Mr Benn ... has proved himself a capahle administrator ITI DOUS OH CO COURSE POUDEHU in the ranks of the Parliamentary opposition: "It would be very welcome if the Conservative Party were to show the new Labour government a tolcrance and understandine which was oot shown lo thom by the Labour Party in opposition.. for the present the new Government must have the best support it can in facing the BOITEU TISES.
This note aas ako strock hy that fore most voice of the besiness community, lhe Financial Times: The task of restoring ence to the country cannot, however, be Jeft solely to a minority Governmient; the parties who now find thomscives in opposition are also challenged by the situation to support the bonernacns in sonsioic poac es to meet the national emergency."
Anther item in Tuesday's papers may gr alon way to explasing che concerned. cooperative mood of the ruling class towards the Labour Goverment, The international, Governnient-sponsored economic aponcy, Ule OECD (OrganisaTUE WEISCDMWOUKE 10EIM There are some contradictions within In Blyth itself, Poulson built the city problems for all the advanoed capitalist countries. But Britain is really in the fring, Ine: the economy is expected to by 2.5% in 1974; at the same time the thinds, and the trade deficit wall mon than double, world crisis" and 'national energency: and well may they worry about the sort of Cinerament that will be st the helm of the capitalst State whike it is in such stormy waters.
Of course, there was almost total agreement among the ruling class before the election. They wanted Heath back with a big majority, and a strong Tory Government returned which could get protecting capitalist profits.
a weak Labour Gaverment, of course. day, Without the authority bestowed 'The ruling class is prenared to accept -and even assist - a weak Labour Government that can, at least temunions tn achieve the ies would have accomplished by more direct and ruthless methods.' Development) is predicting big economic decline (for the farst time in over 20 years) rate of inflation will zoom up by two ind Well may the ruling class talk about NEXT BEST THING out."
on with the job of bashing the unions and Rat the working class didn't quite see it that way. So what is the next best thing to a strong Tory Gaverent? Why, La soiled diste sag.
As the Fingncial Times said last Monby the possession of the largest umber same ends that the Tor- Pomeroon ren oti se il of seats in the House, Mr Heath cauld not count on Lie forbearanee of thu Eshour Parte or the connematon af the trade unions. Not anly would there be ne budeymoon period, there would be a positive torrent ol partisan opposition. That downtight vanguard organ of the ruling class, The Economisr, saw the light eveo carlier and more clearly. Last Friday they wene weiting; "Britain would be rather badly governed by a minority Heath cabinet... A minority Wilson administration couid also have on tl side a trade anion movement which felt some obligation to try to keep a wesk government in office, instead of to make a last beave to get a weak Tory govemment The niling class is prepared to acceptand oen 395s1 - a weak Lahour Govur ment that can, at least temporarily, sweet talk ard soft-soap the trade unions te achieve the sane ends that the Taries would have accomplished by more diroct and ruthless methods. When the time comes, Labour can be thrown aside like CONCESSIONS In the meantime, Labour must he kept enough small doses of reform so that it can petain credibility with the trade union hureaucrats and allow them to do a deal with the Government without provoking massive opposition from the rank and file Whatever happens, Labour must not he permitted to go to the polls on some issue of gruat significance to the working class which would allow it to win a resounding victory aid confront the ruling class-horror of horrors-with a majority Labour Government Ir is universally agreed that concessions will have to be made. Thus the Financial Times last Monday said of Wilson, 'He would bave no mandate to put the Labour manifesto into operation in its enticety. There ans, of course, commitments contain., which it would be EO I LaaR LOCUSH! . unreasonable ta expoct him to throw overboard. The promise to repeal the Housing Finance Act and to caute that excessive could apunbly he reconciled with idear of natinnal unity, and, as soch, would probably command the support of the House of Commons.
But there are somme things on which the ruling claas is not prepured to coo pede an inch: 'Other micasures such as the largo-scale shopping list af nationalisation would arouse strong partisan controversy, even if they did not bring down the Govem ment immediately." In caso this thinly veiled theat went by unnoticed, it was repented in Tuesday's edition: 'In spite days, he can hardly wish to gire his opponents occasion to force an election on the more controversial items in Labour's programme -specific acts of nationalisation, for example."
The ruling class has its plans for the Labour Governmeat. But the working class is not likoly to Tud amisine the spoctacle of a Labour Government beld prisoner by the Liberals and Tories oven it Ene prisoner is lowe to cres ap H the Governor's suit.
If the workers movement insiste that the thoroughly responsible and experienced moderates' go beyond the sops which the ruling class will allow them to hand out, il workers light for immediate action prec iscly on the more controversial stems in Labour's programme", and ir diey show that they are prepared to take dineel action based on their own organisation, going beyond the Labour programme, to defend working class interests-then all these welllaid plans of the ruling class will he ground to dust in the crucible af the class strugale,