is very different, for example, from the struggle against the Industrial Relations Act, when the Labour Party was marginalised.
Now, on the contrary, discussions among the militants are full of arguments about the role of the Labour leaders such as Benn, the evasions of Wilson, the open scabbing of Prentice, and 30 on. In fact, the crisis now facing the labour movement over how to respond to Phase Tir dearly a combined crisis-affecting both the trade union leadership and the mass political party of the working diss, the Labour Party. TWO VIEWS Nowhere & this twin crisis more evident than in the continual threats made by the press about a general clection which would supposedly lead to a crushing Tory victory on the issue of Who governs Batain? In fact, a general election would be a very dangcrous manoeuvre for the ruling class in the present situation, but this question is acting as something of a touchston for the different cutrents in the working class moveThere are only two consistent postions The first is that of the International Marcist Group. We argue for a general strike to bring down the Tory Government and open up the way for socialisen. We say that even if a peneral strike movement is preventod by the treachery of the trade union and Labour leadership from taking definite socialist measurus, it will still luve the working class in the strongest possible position to deal with whatever government, Tory ot Labour, replaces the present one. Of course we are not arainst a general election. But we insist that the clection of a Labour Government is strictly econdary to the mobilisation of tie working class and the urganisation of the prosont strugale. The other consistent posttion is the opposite of the IM's view: it sees the decisive thing as the recurn of a Labour Government, and shus looks on a groeral clection us the logical means of achieving thit aim. This is the view of NUM President Joe Gormley, who would welcome a gencral election as a way or avowing mass soon and proporno for struggle by his members and by the working cats ara whole, It is abso the line of Wilson, who makes it clear he will not sipport any "legal" action that i, a mincas strike-and who says that all would he well if only the Tores had sensihle" policies.
Between these two consistent positions, lin all sorts of confusions. Some left' sections of the Labour Party, and even a small section of the trade union bureaucracy, ate calling for industrial action as a way of forcing a poseral clection, They say that • campaten of industrial action is the best way so cnsure that Labour wins ine election and goe: on to carry out left' policies, The Communist Party and the Worken Revolutionary Party (which now constitutes the extreme right wing of the revolutionaty left adopt this view when they make their main political policy the call for a campuign of industrial action to bring ubout a general cloction. MILITANT' IN CRISIS The crisis of perspective which is revealed in all those debates is mowliere more clearly tollected than in the main current within the Labour Party which claims to be Marxist the Militant current. Throughout 1973 this tendency has boen prappling with the dilemita of how to remove the Turks and has been swinging about between the two logical lines of Labour -calling for a general strike to bring down the Tory govuemment and the line of calling for a general clection to return a Labour Government. Despite some truly amazing contortions, their failure to understand that the development of the actual lixing struggle is not governed by developments in their comer of the class struggle (the Labour Party) but by the direct strugelo of the masscs, has meant that they have been unable to answer the crucial questions facing the working class or to wark out any consistent line Their "theoretical" material on this subicct Has not chacuy poped them to was male in January of this year that Ted Grand, weiting in Militant inter national Review, declured that the possibility of concasions at this state nad Icc la. from confrontation", that pressure from the CBI had unded the retreat bull cally wild industriaily", and concloded that because confronte con was too unnerous for sac tuany cased posibility of an all out showdown with the worke b, in the immediate period abcad, has receded. The posability of a Generil Strike has been postponed to the indetinite tufure."
That was in Janury, On 9 March. a curious thing day of protest and stoppage". Mint now hed to explais that what bid been postponed indefitely In Jansary was only one month later, on the order of the day. Not only should there be a one day General Strice, but every orgacusation of the labour movement shoold convene dolegate conferencos from ull the local factories Marches and meetings should be arranged having as their Choce call for the warking class to take power'. Those archacologsts of the future who uncover copies of Ibe Marxist Paper for Labour and Youth will certainly be amared at the speed of contis in Britain in 1973, where, in well under two montis we moved from a situation where confrontation had boon postponed to the indefinite future' to onc where worken puwer was posed as an immediate issue. Not only that, hat in answer lo the question "what next?" after a onc-day general strike, we road: *The only answer is to prepare for an Indefinite "NATIONALISATION OR EXPROPRIATION?: By Pat Graven Norwood Labeur Petpi May Day 1975 will be recorded in red in the billory of the Sritist been the mightiest dispay of the power of the organised working class train Tanas Ten of 1 he a body biow to lie Toeks... But to win bis bitter fight, the whole monuneat must be moboised and the carapaign extended onto a political plane for the defeat of the Tary government: But nowhere does ho say how We can only assume that he thinks the siogan "Labour to powet on a socialist programme takes things on to a political plane. But Whose politer That slogan mercly reinforces the claims of the Labour left that the rood to socialism lies through cecting Labour goverment with the corroct policies. In fact, what revolutionaries in the tabout Party and le the workers' struggle which cakes place outside of it shoulit be hameneting away at is the noed to develop the mass shepele of the working dians This is why the cask of the lour is the actise prepar tied of a general scrike, An alliance must be longed between chemisors and engineers AB other groups Fighting Phase 3 must be drawn In, The entire move meet must be neolved through local conferenoos and Councils of Action, By all means let as make demands on the labour ladlors of dee anne roe as preparing for the mass struggle, But Is demands nist not concentrate only on what Lasher should do after the What should they do now? The Labour leaders must call on locul labour parties to place all their resources at the disposal of local strike committon The Labou Parties must play a part in the unificution und centralisation of the mass strugele against the Tory government. It addition. Taboar councils should place all the roswances of the Connell at Lie disposal of wurkers io staggle. Why not public acconsendation for Dying pickel? Why ant organise public meetings ce plaining the need to berthrow tib Tories in strupale, using for this the resourees of the paul? Why not use concil finds and resources to establish piekering pool? This it the sort of work comrade Doyle could de co the NEC and this is the sort of work his comrades around Milner should do as well as playing an actle part in the muses scrugglo, if thes mally want to take the campsies onto t Israel: A Colonlal Settler State / Maxime Rodinson 75p+ 12p p&p The Jewish Question / Abram Leon £1,25p The Palestinian Resistance / Gerard Chaliand 35р + 6p p&p The Disinherited: Journal of a Palestinian Exile / Fawaz Turki E1 - 12 p p5 The Arab-Israeli Confliet: A Reader / od Russell Stetter E1.40 + 15p pap Cash with orders to:
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