IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

THE MIDDLE EAST WAR: AIN What is at stake - interview with

Red Weekly No. 24, 26 October 1973 · p. 4 of the scan · 1,423 words

The scan: rw-no24-oct-26-1973.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 4 of the scan

outbreak of war in the Middle East. The RCG, a sympathising group of the Fourth International, publishes a monthly journal, A/ Manadel (The Militant) What is the significance of the present conflict? Ishould say first of all that the scope of the confrontation took the revolutionary left in general by surprise. This has led to the adopDon of two kinds of positions: the opportunists. who dress up their petit-bourgeois nationalism with a Marxist (or rather, Maoist) phraseology. have made a new turn and are now glorifying the Arab arrats, sven tbough they were criticin" them only yesterday; while some revolutionaries are embarrassed hy the whole affair, and megard the confrontation as pure theatre. a As far as we are concerned, we obviously reject the naivety of the opportunists, but we also think that it is wrong to pose the question at the level of a 'comedy'. The war which is un folding is serious from a military point of view, there's no doubt about that, But every MarxIt- cven anyone who thinks at all critically knows that war is only the continuation of politics by other means, It therefore boils down to knowing what kind of politics are being contined. That's the essence of the problem. The alternatives are clear. Is the aim of the present war to liberate Palestine, or at least to move forward in this direction" Or is it, instead, to create the most fasourable conditions for the application of the solution laid down by the United Nations. We are in no doubt that the aim of the present war is to achieve this latter objective. And we categorically reject the UN resolution, which ties an Isracii retreat to the pre-1967 frontiers to conditions which would mean the end of the Palestinian onuse (recog nition of Israel, "guaranteed" borders, etc.).

Can you outline for us the political situation which led up to this latest war?

The present war is the culmination of a clear political evolution which has taken place in the Middle East as a whole. The prime mover behind this evolution has without doubt been Saudi Arabia. The latter is playing an ever more important role in the Arub region, and she has the means" to carry out this policy. To hold the largest oil reserves in the world, at'a time when there is more and more talk of an energy crisis, is to wield considerable power which even US imperialisin would think twice about betore taking on. The results of the Saudi political offensive are the following: 1. The modification of US policy to the advantage of the Arab regimes. The Nixon government has abandoned its schema for a partial solution (ro be negotiated between Egypt and Israel, with the reopening of the Suez cunal), which was unacceptahle to Egypt inasmuch as if would have meant too blatant a betrayal of the "Arab cause". Nixon seems to have decided to grant concessions to Syria as far as Golan is concerned which up till now has been one of the major stumbling blocks in the way of a "peaceful solution", The US seems, in a word, to have adopted after six years the Sovict-Arab Interpretation of LIN resolution 242, 2. The opening up of Egypt to US interests. One should not think that US imperialism has changed its position without coming up against any rivals. Since 1971 Egypt has been the forum for a strugele between two sections of the bourgeoisie: one tepresenting US interests, the other preferring a partnership with European imperialism. Until recently the Sadat government had opted for Europe, trying to secure aid from Britain, France, and West Germany. But having been misled aboul the possibility of this, and couraged by guarantees from Feisal of Saudi Arabia, he finally turned towards the US. 3. The return to good relations with Hussein. This was the joint result of the Saudi efforts and the US turn, The Jordanian regime abandoned its openly liquidationist plans (United Arab Kingdom of Jordanians and Palestinians) and agreed to be more co-operative towards the Jeaders of the Palestinian resistance, These were the two conditions for the well publicised reconciliation with Egypt and Syria. This reconclation took place with the summit meeting in Cairo and what followed it: the freeing of the prisoners in the Jordanian jails and the planned return of the Palestinian forces" to Jordan.

How do you see the situation developing? There are still problems which have to be cleased out of the way before the final application of the "peaceful solution" which, one might add in passing, deserves its name in spite of the present war, for it is intended to establish peace with the Zionist State.

There is on one side the israeli factor: a strupgle is unfolding in Israel between a moderate faction represented by Golda Meir and the 'hawks" led by the notorious Dayan. While the hawks' are unyiciding in their expansionism, the Meir faction is ready to agree on some concessions to the Arab regimes and to embark on a not insignificant withdrawal. Several months ago, Meir declared that Israel was prepared to with draw from the Golan plateau and Sinai while holding onto the Golan Heights and Sharm-elSheikh-two stralegic positions which control respectively the Syrian frontier and the Gulf of Agaba.

There i also the Palestinian factor: the leadership of Al Farah (which is the most important of the guerrill movements the popular Front and the Democratic Front amply tail-end it, while Saka is simply an instrument of the Syrian regime has shown irself reluctant to collaborate with Hussein. and with reason! It knows what it would cust it to openly betray the Palestinian cause: the thousands of martyrs in September 1970 are not casily forgotten. But carefully-timed pressure on the part of the Syrians will be able to being about a change in this leadership's position. One must add that the latest war has considerably enhanced so far, at least the prestige of the Egyptian and Syrian regimes, and by the same token, the possibility that they will support the applica tion of a peaceful solution'.

It seems that we are moving towards a solution which will bring about a withdrawal by the Israclis more or less to the borders of 4 June, 1967 (that will depend on the relationship of foroes resuiting from the present war), with probably the 'internationalisation" of Jerusalem, the Golan Heights and Sharm-ci-Sheikh. At the same time the Palestinian resistancs would be transformed into a tame Palestinian Army of Liberation", and we could expect some years of semi-peaceful co-existence as custom has dietated since 1948. But of course this is a personal estimation, and I don't claim to have a crystal ball at my disposal.

What is the position of the Revolutionary Communist Group?

In the present conflict, no Marxist can be neutral on the protance that it is a clash between two bourgeoisies. This kind of childish and sectarian argument & all right for the ultra-left dogmatists who are only concerned about purity and ignore the 99% impurity which makes up reality, as Lenin put it. Between the Zionist State, military base for US imperialism and national oppressor of the Arab peoples, and the oppressed Arab States whether bourgeois or even feuda.- - we are on the side of the latter, without a doubt; we are. furthermore, the most dedicated in pursuit of the war against Israel, And it is from this standpoint that we express our criticisms, Our support for the Arab States in their opposi tion to the Zionist State, while it is uncondiLional in its anti-Zionism, is by an means so uncritical towards the Arab regimes. This was true in 1967; it a much more su today, with the blatant collusion of these regimes with Saudi Arabia and US imperialism.

We are not therefore content to express our solidarity with the Arab armies confronting Isracl-as do the opportunists today on all sides but we furtber advance a body of demands wluch can fuel our struggle against the regimes in the Arab countries, for the Arab socialist revolution:

No to the "peaceful solution"! No recognition of the Zaomist State!

No ceasefire! No to intervention by the big power in the settlement of the conflict! Fora prolonged war until victory! For the arming and training of the musses! Complete boycott of imperialism!

Fall democratic rights for the Arab masses! Freedom of action for the Palestinian resistance in and operating out of all the Arab countries! Israeli forces under heavy fire on the Golan Heights

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