This spring and summer saw a big attack by the government and the employers against the working class. Following the more or less successful imposition of Phase Two, there was an aftack on factory organisation (highlighted in the Chrysler dispute), and on the right to picket (shown most dramatically in the Shrewsbury case). The decisive starting point in considering the prospects for the autumn must be that this employers attack failed. While the Shrewsbury case goes on, and must be won, all the other attempts at victimisation and weakening of working class organisation -at Chryslers, Coles Cranes, Baxters and so on -were met with tremendous resistance. Furthermore, throughout the summer at union conferences, despite a few setbacks, the resolutions have gone against those who want to collaborate with Incomes Policies, the Industrial Relations Act and all the other shackles on the unions. A great deal remains to be done in order to turn words into actions, but the overall climate in the trade union movement is changing. This is occurring in a situation in which inflation convinces thousands of people every day that the Tory government offers no way forward.
Important developments are also taking place inside the Labour party. The new National Executive policy proposals, and those of Tribune, suffer from serious weaknesses: they do not tackle the fundamental question of the capitalist state, and the nationalisations they propose are to be carried out on the basis of the state and not as part of a struggle to break it. Furthermore right wingers want to counterpose the demand for a new Labour government to the coming struggles in the autumn against Phase Three. Nevertheless, merely by raising the questions of nationalisation, workers control, and so on, these proposals will stimulate debate and interest in these key issues.
In short, while there are still many problems and shortcomings, the prospect of a massive struggle for socialism is better than at any time for decades. Not only are we going to see a far bigger trade union upsurge in the coming months even than that of 1969-72, but whereas that previous upsurge occurred when no political perspectives appeared open to the working class, the Labour party's turn to the left now creates a new interest and debate about political solutions. In this situation a decisive turn towards united action on the part of the left would have a greater following than ever before. stem fundamentally from the existence of the Tory government but from the private ownership of the means of production and the existence of the capitalist state. Nevertheless, the Tory government is at present the main tool being used by the ruling class to carry out its attacks. This is reflected in the growing hatred of the Tories throughout many different layers of society. For this reason a general attack on capitalism must have as its present focus the struggle to get rid of the Tory government. There is complete agreement on the left on the need to get rid of the Tories. There are big differences however on how to achieve this. The Labour left has a wrong and illogical position.
Anthony Wedgwood Benn has said this Tory government is a "barbaric, inhuman government.' If this is so, its existence in office for one day longer cannot be tolerated. Yet Tribune seems precisely to propose that we should accept the present situation. Richard Clements writing in Tribune on March 30th said "the Labour party in opposition can basically only wait until Edward Heath declares the date of the next general election.' He goes on to say that the trade unions can at teast resist the Tories, but he does not propose any way that the Tories can be driven from office. His whole position is completely false. Not only is it open to the Labour party as a whole, and individual Labour party MPs and others to carry on a struggle inside and outside Parliament to defeat the Tory policies (Clay Cross shows the way here, but they can also wage a struggle to get rid of the Tory government once and for all. The means to accomplish this task are obvious. The massive strikes of the last few years have already shaken the Tory government to its foundations. It is possible to use this massive strike power to unite the present partial struggles into a general strike to kick out the Tory government.
The Communist party is equally as wrong on this as Tribune. John Gollan, in a recent article, said Every day this Tory government lasts is a disaster for the working class... to drive out the Tories is the over-riding need.' But he does not say how. The Communist party has talked of 'action of general strike proportions' but has not actively campaigned for this nor explained to the mass of workers that this is the weapon to get rid of the Tories. A serious debate is needed on this point on the left. It will come up time and time again in discussions on unity in action on more limited issues. If at present however agreement is not achieved on this crucial point, unity is possible and essential on a more limited basis in the struggle against the Tory government and its tion and workers control. Without taking industry out of private hands any talk of socialism is just hot air. Indeed, more than that, without massive nationalisation even the most moderate reformist policy would be impossible to carry out. But how is this nationalisation to be carried out?. OF Eric Heffer, M.P.
An absolutely key area where unity is needed is in the industrial struggle. Major wage claims, those of the engineers and the miners for example, have already been put in. These would blow any incomes policy to bits if achieved and would be an enormous step forward on the way to sending the Tory government packing. Heath, scared of the coming clashes, is at present trying desperately