is on this basis that he has won the backing of important Protestant organisations like the Ulster Defence Association. His idea is to get the SDLP to agree to the re-entry of the RUC into the Catholic ghettos in return for this "concession', and then to try to win the backing of the minority for this package through a referendum. MIDDLE GROUND' What is important about Craig's proposals although their chances of success are remote is that they coincide with the efforts of British imperialism to regroup the middle ground" and thus keep open the door to a deal with the capitalist class in the South. Indeed, Craig's project was originally suggested by the pro-British chairman of the Convention, Sir Robert Lowry. Clearly the process set in motion by the Convention is not necessarily exhausted; on the contrary, the Loyalist forces are obviously very much divided as to how best to recreate their ascendancy when their plans don't have the backing of British imperialism.
While it is true, therefore, that an escalating confrontation between the Loyalist and antiUnionist forces is inherent in the present situation, and that this could end up in civil war, the latter is not the most likely development.
The Labour Government naturally welcomes sectarian actions by the Loyalists which weaken the minority's will to resist - hence it has turned a blind eye to the activities of the Loyalist assassination squads. After all, any attempt to break the back of Loyalism in the present situation would strengthen the nationalist forces rather than British imperialism. So the Government tends to retreat before the most determined demands of the This can be seen in the British response to the recent attack on an Orange Hall in South Armagh. Rees immediately declared a veritable state of siege, flew in 650 extra troops to Ireland, started blowing up border roads again, and re-introduced screening (ie. torture) procedures. daily in the Catholic ghettos without evoking a murmur from the British authorities.
None of this, however, amounts to a commitment by the Labour Government to hand over to the Loyalists. The Government is still far from convinced that the only option in the situation is to sanction mass Loyalist attacks on the minority and thereby the res-oranon or aurout Loyaust ruie. instrument of British imperialist rule at this stage is not therefore Loyalism, but remains tenance of the truce.
mass actions of the minority sell-out.
Yet such attacks take place iversary of internment.
face in the present situation.
The main is the continuation of the truce the presence of the British troops in Ireland.
It is in this light that we welcome the mainfly in the ointment for both Rees and the Loyalists is the continuing resistance of the Catholic masses. The very existence of the truce has given a boost to the which is why the SDLP is so reluctant to enter into a direct Over the summer months we saw once more the development of mass street actions in the Catholic ghettos, particularly around the annThese actions were of course limited by the absence of any perspective given to them by the Provisionals or, sadly, the IRSP. Nevertheless they indicate the latent forces which exist beneath the surAt this stage, therefore, the most likely development - despite Rees's latest blusterings The extent of this radicalisation was recently seen in the failure of the Communist Party's bureaucratic attempts to impose its Bill of Rights strategy on the London labour movement after the manipulated tour of Northern Ireland by the Greater London Association of Trades Councils. The TUC has also been forced to respond to the concern at its base. even if all this amounted to was the passing of the same resolution on a Bill of Rights that it passed two years ago. And the British Peace Committee, an organisation very much influenced by the CP, has decided to call a protest demonstration this Saturday, 5 October, against the ban on Irish activities in Trafalgar Square and for the right of free speech on Ireland.
All this indicates the timeliness of the moves by TOM to set up an ad hoe committee to build a demonstration in early Decem ber. The call for the removal of British troops as the best way of contributing to the right of the Irish people to self-determination will find an increasingly sympathetic response inside the working class as the Irish issue threatens to erupt right into the centre of the political stage In this situation it would be absolutely disastrous for the solidarity movement to concentrate its resources on building relief committees" in case of civil war. In fact, the building of a mass movement in Britain to withdraw the troops now will actually play a certain role in deciding whether or not civil war will erupt in Ireland. This must therefore be our task. All out for December!