sector as was the case a few months ago.
Apart from the formal references the Christian Democrats make to the need for 'democ= racy', their major criticisms of the junta centre on its economic policy. For them the reduction of demana on the internal market -they estimate at about 40 per cent - constitutes the real balance-sheet of the regime. one can see why.
The traditional expression of the small and medium industrial capitalists among others -notably tnose engaged in the production of consumer durables - the Christian Democrats represent the capitalist sectors most directly affected by the crisis of the internal market. During the first year of the military regime, they accepted with a good grace the consequences of the junta's economic choices. It was, after all, not too high a price to pay for the removal of the spectre of revolution.
• NEED CHANGE • But the hopes and calculations written into the junta's economic projects, and largely shared at the beginning by the capitalist sectors who did not stand to gain directly from this economic policy, have proved to be vain. In this situation the only perspective for the Christian Democrats and those whose interests they express is for a radical change in the regime's economic policy and projects. internal market must once again be the motor of economic activity. It must be re-stimulated and even expanded', explain the Christian DemBut in a country like Chile in 1975, such an economic choice has considerable political interests of the big capitalists on which the military regime is based and whose profits it defends. It would imply a different distribution of Government aid and subsidies, a wages policy more "flexible' with regard to the workers, and less emphasis on competitivity and profitability for the export market. Above all it would imply a total revision of the junta's agrarian policy, which amounts to the de facto restoration of the big private estates.
Finding themselves clearly in the opposition . among the workers. This is a clever tactic, which and it would not do to under-estimate either its chances of success (given the present state And of the workers' movement) or its political consequences. the junta is creating for it, the Christian Democrats don't lack trump cards.
The first and most powerful of these is the Catholic hierarchy. This for the most part -despite its traditional tactical subtleties, and only after much beating about the bush - has now come out in opposition to the dictatorship. Its role and weight have grown to the point where its leader, Cardinal Henriquez, has become without doubt the main political figure of the country after Pinochet.
But the Catholic hierarchy is also made up of a multitude of priests who in the countryside and working class areas have seen their influence and prestige grow as a result of their social and humanitarian role: soup-kitchens, mutual aid committees for the unemployed, creches, welfare centres, and clubs for the young and old have all basically been organised on their initiative. ition, the militants and supporters of the Christian Democrats have been prominent in these activities, winning prestige and influence for tneir party.
•TRADE UNIONS• The Christian Democrats were also a force at the trade union level before the coup. In the implication. It would go against the immediate CUT (Chilean TUC) elections they won about 30 per cent of the votes - about the same as the Communist Party or the Socialist Party. By comparison with the Communists and Socialists very few of its leaders or militants have been repressed. Some play a part in the structures established by the dictatorship, but they are a minority. difficult conditions but using to advantage the vacuum left by the repression against the militants of the left, are working to rebuild an opposition trade union movement. The Labour Government stands at ine crossroRes mrs reaton: with Chile's military junta.
The Chilean regime is now defaulting on the repayment of on from the refusal of Britain to re-negotiate this debt with the junta at the Club of Paris. The Junta nopea to arrange tor the £14 million which it owes to Britain for 1975 to be repaid in instalments over a number of years. Because the debt was not True to their populist tradre-negotiated by Britain the full £14 million now falls due this year.
The junta therefore faces a serious economic problem. Because of the severity of its economic crisis it simply cannot afford to pay all its debts at the present time. Consequently it has to make political decisions as to the most uscrul places win winch te maintain good credit.
Naturally the military preter first and toremost to keep favour tions of American imperialism, and so they have made big compensation pavments to the nation alised American copper-mining corporations. They have also The others, working in found some money to pay back a little to the European capitalist countries such as West Germany which did agree to re-negotiation Britain, however, comes well down the generals list of pror ities - indeed, they even feel con fident enough to issue threats. The Chilean Foreign Minister has This follows said: "The debt is practically renegotiated with the principal cred itor countries, and those countrie which did not attend this meeting have only two alternatives: either they accept the terms of the renegotiation which were agreed at ine. creators meeting, or tney simply won't receive payments at The Labour Government thus has a clear choice to ow tow to this threat and simply accept what the junta will give it, or to go on the offensive against the junta.
In the past the Government has argued that Britain had to continue to supplv arms and to trade with the Chilean regime in order to 'honour agreements' and maintain our integrity as a trad ing nauon. but even unis servue argument, which puts capitalist trading relations above international working class solidarity, now collapses since the generals have shown that they have complete contempt for any such formal agreements The Labour Government must therefore at once make clear It should clear where It snus. break al trade and coomand links with the military regime. It snoute teruse to send to uncunte the two submarines now at Greenock, which are due to be delivered in August. It should refuse to return the destroyer being refitted for the Chilean navy at Swan Hunters. Most importantly, it should Chilean copper. The Chilean Ambassador and his gang of secret police should be slung out, and the Embassy turned over to the exiled Chileans as a centre for co-ordinating the resistance Such measures would show that the Government is really on the side of the Chilean working class. Of course they should have been taken immediately the Labour Government came to office but even at this stage they would be a tremendous gain for the downtrodden workers and peasants or calle However, the labour movement cannot stand idly by as the Government ponders this problem. Bitter experience has shown Wart wi De te resuL a cam paign should be taken up at once to demand that the Labour Government breaks all links with the junta, and to ensure as a first Drionly mar me suomarnes a Greenock are not sent to the regime this August.
Gerry Hedley
10 _ abortion/ general news re weekly july bos M
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•WORKERS' SUPPORT• Its credibility as a bourgeois opposition lies