IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

Students: Unions ag thes stre Slate!

The Red Mole Vol. 3, No. 34, 10 January 1972 · p. 4 of the scan · 1,373 words

The scan: v03n34-jan-10-1972.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 1-4 of 4; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 4 of the scan

Last term saw the movement of students in a mass way for the first time in two years. Ever since the files" issue, there has been a relative quiessence in the colleges. The Thatcher proposals hoped to take advantage of this situation of calm. In essence, these proposals were meant to render harmless an instrument, student unions, which militant students have increasingly been able to use to their advantage since the upsurge of 67-69.

At the same time it was intended to alter the political climate in the colleges so that the de jure powers of the authorities over the most important aspects of student unions-constitutions, finances and buildings could again be invoked to emasculate any attempt by students to respond to the continuing technocratic reorientation of higher education or to intervene in workers or anti-imperialist struggles in a mass way. in other words, the situation where students unions had been wrenched away from and begun to be used in the struggle against the State, was to be turned back to the time of the collaboration of students and their Unions with the State. This political formula of collaboration is accepted in essentials by the present leadership of NUS. Mindless Militancy The scenario which the NUS has painted and around which it has led the massive mobilisations for far, is that of a financial attack. Inasmuch as it will allow that there is a political element to this attack, it appears in the extremely abstract attestation to the nasty "Tory subversion" of all so called democratic forces. What the majority of students are invited to accept, however, is the necessity to preserve the present system of financing of their clubs and societies. The sort of response requited is consequently of such a nature as to disregard the political issues involved. Indeed the insistence on unity at any price demands the suppression of any political viewpoints and leads naturally to the spontancously generated slogan of Left and Right, Unite and Fight. The noise engendered by the mindless militancy which characterise the campaign so far is meant to bring tound "public opinion -in particular the various arms of the State such as college authorities and LEA's-to the NUS iew that the whole process is completely unnecessary, the city of NUS members being quite nice people and ranily capuble of dealing with the few "disrupters" in their com ranks. Insofaras NUS has been successful in this it has mystified and confused the form of the attack with its underlying thrust, and in so doing has set up straw men, Che destruction of which it will attempt to treat as a Mictory.

Victories or Straw Men?

The Central Action Group set up by NUS conference to lead the day to day actions against the Thatcher proposals narrowly accepted at its meeting of December 15 a formula whereby NUS can now negotiate -against conference decisions- with the government. It is clear what the outcome certain that clubs and societies will not only continue to receive finance, but that SU's will continue to administer them and make financial allocation as practised in the past. At the same time the representative' role which both NUS and local SU's have enjoyed in the past will not only conand invested with certain well defined procedures. This or some such formula will be the basis for a triumphal return by the NUS leadership to the next conference at Easter, and the promise of it will get them ratification for their negotiations at the special NUS conference to be convened at the end of January. But this second concession is very far from any acceptable notion of political autonomy. On the contrary, the already agreed concession to so called the State objects will be suppressed.

No Accountability: Against the Bourgeois State The State is not only to be seen in the form of the Tory the various administrative bodies such as the DES, but also the LEAs and, very importantly, the college authorities. These latter are nationally organised, coordinating their activities through such bodies as the Committee of Vice to plan its tactics but provided the evidence upon which the Thatcher proposals are based. It is the universities who have borne the brunt of the student struggles so far and who any possibilities for independent student action. The recent rejection by the CVCP of the Thatcher proposals in no way invalidates this, because this is an objection merely to the given 'a clearer designation of activities which could be properly supported from public funds: and improved accountability for such spending' (Guardian 21.12.71). But this is the The public to whom we are meant to make our accounts is and can be no other than the (bourgeois) State. In their monstrous capitulation on this question the NUS leadership (i.e. the CP) is offering up the independence of students for a few concessions and a cosy future. But more important that this, they are ensuring that it will be all that and more difficult politically to begin the struggle against the College authorities when "public accountability" begins to be used as the axe to chop developing militant actions in the colleges. College authorities are no more prepared than the government to countenance an organised student body in opposof such negotiations will be. In the first place, it is absolutely tinue but will be reinforced inasmuch as it will be formalised "public accountability', will guarantee that actions to which government. Indeed, not only does it include for our purposes Chancellors and Principals. This last not only meets regularly have, therefore, the most immediate interest in emasculating form of the attack. They think that the Government's intentions could be satisfied better within the existing framework essence of the matter. Accountability means at the very least collaboration with the State and more probably, domination. ition to capitalism either in educational 'reforms", on the workers" side of the class struggle or in support of anti-imperialist movements. In other words, a struggle against the State does not amount to the occasional demonstration against the government. In this context, a nationally coordinated struggle against all aspects of State intervention and, in particular, college authorities is the only way to even pose the possibility of success.

Against State Controlled Unions The fight for political autonomy can in no sense be waged in collaboration with the State. Of course, any contradictions between various arms of the State must be played upon. But this is not an invitation to substitute any of its various branches-whether this be LEA's or college authoritiesfor the independent struggle of students; nor to narrow the perspectives of struggle to that of the Vice Chancellors committee. The college authorities don't want another administrative department to deal with sports clubs and the various societies but they do want tame students who will represent' student interests and bring them to the acceptance of an educational system geared to the needs of capitalism. NUS is willing to furnish both these things. The present tactics and strategy in no way defend the present gains of students nor pose the necessity for the extension of Union autonomy. The question is not simply a matter of more militancy within the same framework but a break from that collaboration of the Union with the State which is characteristic of NUS and which the present "Communist" leadership wish to continue. Only the Liaison Committee can focus the struggle for student unions free from the to. All militants can accept the demands of the LCDSU (reprinted below) as a minimum basis around which they can organise for Students Unions free to intervene in the class struggle. For their implementation, however, these will need nationally coordinated action. The next national conference of the LCDSU will be held at Aston on 15 January. For further details contact the Students Union, North London Poly (01-607 6767).

Total Political Independence Rejection of Financial Accountability No collaboration with college authorities Extension of Union autonomy Student-Worker solidarity -J.R. Clynes

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for the Defence of Students Unions has the possibility even to begin this. It is the only body at the moment which

encroachments of the State, precisely because it was set up on a clear understanding of what the present attack amounts

← Women workers, unemployment and low paySwansea Occupation defeated by NUS inactivity →

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