The crass accusations of "Fascism!" now hurled rightis presences the moment of disen chantat the Tory Government by hundreds of anxious ment. The wild terminology of the years before militants conceal a great danger —a refusal to seriausly evaluate the very roal opportunities. now materialising for genuinely fascist organisacions. It is essential that chese confusions be straightened out.
The facts abour British socicty at this time need stating and restating. The dramatic and striking failure of the Left to effectively shake the entrencbed, craditional leadership of the working-class movement, in spite of the telling experiences of'a series of Lahour governments, now stares us in the face. The current, toughi economic environment of a declining domestic capitalisn is fielding major onslaughts on the everyday living standards and the pasr coonomic rabble mousing The appearance of the gains of working men and chei families, in direct attempts co re establish sound profitabiLey for industrialists. As fares, cents and prices accelerate, the State ventures to assault trade unionisen to combat wage increases. Real frus trations and rescuements amongst workers become widespread. Ie is crises of precisely chis nature that highlighr the grave political weak. nesses of the labour movement. As unease and anxiety mark the horizon, the lack of'a credible Left alternasive, widely seen to challenge the impossibly discredited Labour Party "opposi tion", & readily apparent. The eyer of thousands stranglehold of the old parties amongst the rank-and-file ate fixed upon s movement beheaded, This article points to one dangerous conseguence of this harsh reality.
INTO THE VOID Anger expressed chrough militancy is the first and immediate reaction of workers on the shop floor. To counter the growing economic stresses, strikes and demonstrations mount. involving numbers unparalleled in recent years. Where it has proved possible to establish and maintain Action Comnittees to assist and organise the new energies, the confidence of workers in their own strengsh has been boosted and extended. But the importanc issues clearly transcend local initiatives and basic economic frustrations remain unchecked for many. The explanacions and propaganda of the revolutionary left cannot at once stretch to all the confused and concerned members of the working class - into areas where traditions of militant class struggle are weakest, amongst casual Labourers and smail, divided units of workersthe means are nor in existence. Into this void, this wide area of increasing impasience and potential desperation, steps the ignorant and puzaled figure of the fasciar. Still only a fringe of muddled groupings and nations, the extreme Right in Britain today shows clear signs of changing to face che new openings before ir, thrown up by the current tide of discontentsclear storm signals for the future. To spell out this reality is not to somans alarmist appeals, it is to examine present trends and to prepare for tomorrow.
THE RIGHT RE-SURFACES Noting and warning of'a Rightist advance in a previous era, Trotsky wrote "Fascism is a pro duct of two conditions: a sharp social crisis on the one hand, the revolucionary weakness of the.. proletariat on the other."! Asthe present crisis in this country gathers rapid momentum, demonstrating the possible realisation of both of chose conditions, the fascians in Britain painfully and spasmodically pick up the lessons. The firse significant development emerged late in 1967. On 7th October chac yeat. che near-coral disgeray of the fascist Right, lost in the depths ofa crude and blarant nostalgia for Nazi alogunising chat lingered still from another time, gave way to the broaderbased structure of the "National Front" at its first Annual General Meeting Formerly warring and divided factions joined hands, Sensing che disillusionment of thousands with the policles behind che Nacional Frons. "9 CONFUSION AND COVFULSIONS Too soon for the new knighes of fascism, their resurrected crusade for nacional and racial salvation proved founded upon the feeblest of cheuretical bases. The major weakness of Lascis ric groupings, their de vascating inability to comprehead the forces shaping their own. growth, commenced to plague the new alliance. The resultant internal clashes have only now worked chrough the organisation of the National Fronc, and have been reflecred inside other groups. with threatening results. This is the Achilles heel of fascism-legitimaze daubes and grievances as to the nacure of existing sociery are transformed intu inbuman hatreds through the medium of fantasy. Practical problems of unemployment and cramped housing forge a gennine quest for solutions that the far Right pursue with zest-in completely mistaken directions The key co combating fascism is understanding this process of myscification, and knowing why it occurs To find it is to read chrough the most depressing and tragic weitings of our time.
An illuminating indication of the cocal lack of serious theory on the extreme Right was penned by A. K. Chesterton himself We have repeatedly expressed the view that the histpry af our times can be understood only in the light of a conspiratorial interprecacion,.. there are several conspiracies. che master conspiracy, which beyond daaht is the ultinase crablishment of World Goverument.
On the basis of this method of reasoning, an entire demonalogy springs up. Crused examples fill the pages of fascist journals. The Wall Street giants who incubated the Bolahevist baby have looked after their monacrosity ever since - chey do not work through capitalism alone -communism is also their child." aim of modern art is to prepure the way, mencally and culturally, for... that vast amorphous mass of miscegenated humanity which, contrulled by UNO police troops, will represent the joins idcal of both Communism and the International Finance Power and will constiture the final annihilation of che Individual" Howeves, the absurd pictures painted in chese lines by the "theorists" of the far Right have real roota.
IMPERIALIST CULTURE They reflece the contradiction betveen the pressing problems of today -capitalise exploitacannot be destroyed by propaganda, but has to be smashed physically.
East and the ideology of the past. British culcure is shot through and through with che theories that grew up to justify che long decades of imperialism. Much of the consensus of ideas held by the older generation alive today survives as a reflection of the colonial postures of Bricain earlier this contury, prior co che assurop tion by the USA of the leading role in world capitalism. These imperialist values are the values of the modern Rightist. He seeks no perpetuate the ideological trappings of the old order, in the face of an ucterly altered world.
The importance of antiquated imperial ideas to the fascist produces the notorious emphasis on race. The culture of the colomalist shines through fascist works appearing in Britain- *TE is sufficient to look around the world today and capitalism. observe where the highest levels of development and the highest Iving standards exise. The areas that top che lise are Norchern Europe, North America, Australasia, Sourbern Africa, Japan. In all but one case these are areas dwelt in by people of mainly North European stock ea Fascism in the 130% did create an anti-fascist awakening, but only after it had triumphed • these theories have been applied all over che world, and have simply failed to work. Ara result, many people hase come to realise che importance of echnic factors In short precisely the propaganda once propounded by the British ruling class ar the height of Imperia splendour. To conceal the economic facts of exploitacion, the classic dividon-and-rule thaos racid discrimination and blame.
The Viceprian dream of a world dominated by Union Jack: finds in presenc-day fascism it: final strongbold. "Of all modern nations on earth, the Bricish alone have showit any talent for influencing peoples of other races. 0 The serried ranks of the Right are the last, shudder defence of che vanishing power of British RESPONSE TO THE LEFT These same quocacions also provide a further clue to the jigsaw puzzle of fascist "theory", The themes of the fascist are not just yesterda discredited notions They are produced as a
a9y. The lesson is obvious: fascism terical fear of cbe Left scalks the press and erances of the extreme Righc. To be anticialist is deemed a worthy philosophy of life tself. "Our own definicion of Communism not he repeated roo often: - Communism is imperialism of money of the highest order of gaitude and concentration of control 11 Soviet Russia, World Jewry created a nkenstein monster that hat got out of con 112 Are not such Enes the mose vivid afirmation of how fascism takes the fears of scared individual, based on gecuine prob-the power of financiers, the doubt of e stern bureaucracies into che realms of FECT ON NATIONAL FRONT se disastrous calculations can totally remove reme Righrises from understanding the ation they are accually working in except ere the realities are just too obvious to be oted. The various conspiracy "theuries" oyed by the Nacional Front to analyse che that it was the working class that suffered most breathless mumbershup a ruthless exploitation from disillasionment with che Labour government and that consequently rebelled most againsr its policies, -The National Front... must place greater emphasis on attracting the support of the ordinary working man we the N.F. must win Labour voters"" *they agreed by 1970-yer the organisation never grasped the demonstrations. appropriate strategy to match the situation.
Conceiving the enemy to be ruthless, cosmopolitan conspirators out to sendermine the sacred National fortress, the far Right at no at the meetings, rallies and homes of the labour time questioned the machinery of State. All failings and errors on the part of the governmencal system were and are the fault of "subversion" by the esternal forces of disrup tion. Therefore, the system of parliamentary electoralism is the inviolate depository of the popular wiLl worthy of trust. The old political parties have burnt themselves out, it remains simply to replace them by Nacionalist heroes elected to the green cushions of the House of Commons. This formula brought about a strong concentration of fascist forces on contesting local and national elections The clear ideal was the eventual triumph of the Right at the palls. o the inarguration of a Front dominaced government that would at once slay the dragons of Bolshevism and finance capital "Probably the main activity, and the one which, Mr. Pirie said, had gained the most publicity during the year, was the Acton election. local elections were very good practice for our branches "noted the Front's second ansual report 1* For the far right of conte Britain, thete were no s ocial or co of interest outside of the hustings and che Paice of Westminster. Class conflicts were a secondary phenomenon, to be resolved witl che passage of time and the fruition of private enterprise operating under a aysrem of Narional Guidance to eliminate the injustices 15 a set of problems to disppear with the crushing of sub version, This very incapacity to analyse society finally provoked a violent inter within the National Front.
DECLINE OF ELECTORALISM.
Since its inception, the National Front scorned involvement in Tory Party circles, however rightwing "The Monday Club has a useful purpose as a rallying point and recruiting ground... it does not serve as a reliable source of guidance for Britain's future. -t6 Bur it had accepted the Tory philosophy of secking political rule through The extremists of the Right have never accepted Parliament. After all, others on the Right had failed through underestimacing the respectability required to ucilise the official system -"Our quarrel with Mosley is on strictly political grounda... he committed an undonbied error in the 1930s by idensifying birnself too closely with continental fascism. This was an error. alchough no crime "17 However, with the transition to Tory govern ment in mid-1970, rellecting the sharpening econoric crisis, and the subsequent employment rising prices demand immediate concentration of even heavier weapons against the interests of the working population, the public disillusionment with the very process of parliamentary politics, with the system chat had conjured up first Wilson and now Heath, pepocrated at last into the unthinking beains of the new Rightists. Is was the State machinery itself that anddenly drew the wrath of an incrcasing number of extreme right-wingers. For too long, they had relied upon the methods of a discredited parlia mentary scene. The moment had arrived to bypass che "middle ground" of British politics and to descend into the streets, DANGEROUS THREAT A rift shook the Nacional Front. The defenders of the old strategy resisted and fell. Wild accusecions of "wreckers" and sabotage" could not wichhold the new currents. In December 1970, a thorough campaign by a newly formed "Action for lacid and forduight explanation by the Left. Pommitten curant Chasteron from his leadine of che atmosphere created by Powell, to matter THE MAIN CONGLUSIONS what his differences with the Front's paricular Fiery and ingently, the "fecist" ag must be demonology, an end to respectabilicy, co tactical avoidance of overt race hatreds, to the former electoral emphasis: a major re-orientation cowards physical interventions and screet This is the nirvation now. A atronger rightist threat grows today chan the working-class morement has had to face for decades-a threat aimed mosement tomorrow. There is cime available nuw to prepare for the concest.
THE ANTI-FASCISTS How to respond? The socialist Left recognises, by insciner, the first germa of faacism. Its mind is scarred by the memories of the criumphs of the German Nazi party over the Largest and mese the old system in decline, bat independens and confident working class movement in history, a movement chat filled the squares and cicies of pre-war Central Europe with teeming demonstraLions of mighty and hopeful workets power. The forests of red flags borne by the German Left gave way to the total desolation of Majdanek, of Auschwitz. The reasons for the resultan: horrors are even today unclear co sections of the Movement. Serlous weaknesses persist.
With the gradually enveloping atmosphere of conflict and the appeals to secure the "hationat interest", many on the Left ding trapped, with in the long accepted bberal tolerance of only yestepday. No, the growth of racialine prope gaoda among the working clan can only be at and a prews cation of ficts 18 climed one militant in the Independent Labour Party not long ago, Justifying his party's offer of'a public debating platforne to the National Front! For socialises enmeshed in vistas of new, defiant dawns of fraternity and love, evolving from flowering discusion and democracy, the painstaking methods of education and open debate seem obvious. Alas, History shatters beautiful dream with its telentless shocks. Hard economic pees sures are straining working clan families 16. racism and nationalist demagogy promise improved housing and iteady incomes fast, then the worried and confused will embrace them despite reason and logical argument.
NAIVETE AND "EREE SPEECH"
the limits of polite, democratic discussion. They can never do sn. Their theoretical clothing is chreadbase, theie analyses pathecic. The chants of "Wogs nut" and "Britain first" are above all slogans for the streets and housing estates. To extend debate and discourse to organised fascise. groupings at a time of developing tensions and dissatisfaction is to bow to the mose innucent of liberal fantasies at the precise moment when che realities-incensifying wage conflicts and on deepening and sharpening the class struggle. The call of "free speech" for the most dangerous 16 SPEARHEAD, March 1970. elements in society at such a tinie, is a plea to open the working classro the crude prejudices of the Right.
Setting aside the liberal and pacifist tendencies that can damage the Left as che rightist chreat germinates, other difficulties remain. The anly forces within the socialist movement with recent histories of active anti-fascist experience are diverse and ill co ordinated. This is natural in view of the relatively new natuse of the reborn Right. A minority of Left organisations and of individual branches inside auch organisations have been effective here. To these can be added small hands of militant anti-fascists from the Immigrant and Jewish conumunities, with often confused concepts of who the enemy are and what strategy can defear them. The bour is ripe An organised working class, alive to this removed from Heath and the Tory goverament and employed only for che real extremises of che Right. When capitalism meets acute crises with the mobilisation of large scale fascist moscments, politicians of che Heath variety are nowhere co be seen.
Secondly, the revolutionary Left must reach nut as far as it is able to direct the frustracions of the working class agains capitalism, The development of a mass socialist moverent wipes out the potential recruiting grounds of fascism and narrows the are of bewilderment in which the gerns of racism flourish. The establishment ofa dynamic, expanding Left is the paramosest task when the existing order of society is in disarray-a Left not seen to be an appendage of revolutionary, a thorough alternative.
Thirdly, an a lesser and defensive task-the coordination of measures taken by different Left groupe against the attacks of the new Right Proposals for active cooperation should be adranced and debated aow, Information and analyais of developments on the fascist fringe of politics should be extended and militants made aware of the potential dangers. A simple system of liaison between separate socialive groupe can neutraline fascist interventions an should be writed with care The cartered and ugly spoctacle of nersi Nas of mankind. It is the desperate resort of a dying capitalism. And as such, it can be erased. R. Neubauer NOTES Germany, Kary to the written November 1931.
"Official Programme of the Greater Britain Move ment, ritten by John Tyridait, 1964 Tyndall became a leader of the National Front when he jed 3 Speech reprinted in his paper CANDOUR, October 1967. 4 The BLACK DWARF of 16ch May 1969 reported at length on the National Front. SOCIALIST WORKER has carried a fairly regular coverage of fascist activity that is very useful 5 John Tyndalt in SPEARHEAD, September 1967. 6 A K. Chesterton in CANDOUR, April 1970 7 A K. Chesterton in CANDOUR. November 1970. 8 John Bean in SPEARHEAD, Nov/Dec. 1968. 9 SPEARHEAD. Januery 1970 10 A. K. Chesterton in SPEARHEAD, Sept. 196B. 11 CANOOUR. June 1970 12 SPEARHEAD, Nov/Dec: 1968 13 John Bean in SPEARHEAD, June 1970 ЗДРЕДИНЕВ МОС THHE 15 SPEARHEAO. June 1970.
17 John Tyndall in SPEARHEAD, Jan/Feb. 1960 18 Letter to the BLACK DWARF of 26th. November THE EXTREME RIGHT IN BRITAIN The leading groupings of the far Right today are:
National Front newspapers Spearhead.
Candour, Facts)
Union Movement (headed by Mosley, news paper Action)
British Movement (headed by Colin Jordan)
National Democratic Party Racial Preservation Society Immigrants Control Association "Trade Unisa Anti-lemigration Movement" (called "TRU AIM"!