IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

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The Red Mole Vol. 2, No. 4, 1971 · pp. 4-5 of the scan · 1,994 words

The scan: v02n04-feb-16-28-1971.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
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page 4 of the scan

Having read Comrade Landau's article, "Zionism's Red Flags", a number of points for discussion become apparent. Firstly, it is necessary to clear up the basic confusion which exists: Cde. Landau appears to assume that the Zionist left is composed of mainly MAPAM and a spurious collection of Jewish student organisations. While it is true to say that MAPAM has established itself as the "establishment left wing", it is not true to conclude that this is the true representative of the Zionist left. Those of us in the Israel-Palestine Committees in Europe, the Radical Zionists in North America, the Socialist Zionists in Latin America and our comrades from SIACH (Israel New Left Group) in Israel reject MAPAM's clear capitulation to social democracy, the nature of its bureaucracy (in Israel) and the manner in which it collaborates with the bourgeois Zionist Federation which has the audacity to describe itself as "Zionist".

Our ideology is clearly drawn from that of Ber Borochov, the brilliant exponent of Zionism. We adhere to his basic analysis of the Jewish situation in capitalist society. We reaffirm our belief in the existence of an anomalous situation whereby the Jewish people constitute a "people class", where the Jewish working masses are in danger of extinction due to their marginal (economically) position in capitalist society. We reject his notion of building the Jewish state "in stages". At the First Socialist Zionist Congress held in Frankfurt last November we made it clear that we considered the necessity of pursuing both the national and the class struggle at the same time. We believe, as did Borochov, that Jewish emancipation was a meaningless motion without a socialist content. As Fanon said: "Instead of separating one nation from another, the struggle for national liberation leads the nation to the stage of history, through developing national awareness it develops and promotes international awareness." We do not as Cde. Landau states, lock "the red flag in . the broom cupboard for the foreseeable future.* We say, as Borochov said in 1917: "Our starting point remains... the class interests of the Jewish working class, socialism the purpose of our efforts Zionism-the main platform of our minimum demands, the class struggle-the method for turing our politics into reality." The dialectics of the present situation in West Asia compel us to add, if we truly seek national emancipation, our recognition of the just and progressive struggle for Palestinian national self-determination, in this we concus with the Leninist view that no nation which oppresses another can be free itself.

We reject the pseudo-Zionists who seck to destroy the Jewish State by occupation of areas of heavy Palestinian population. If they keep hold of this area of territory they will create an apartheid society where the Arabs are the workers and the Jews the bourgeoisic, the old anomalous position of a Jewish people-class will reoccur. We aim to strengthen Zionism and by so doing eliminate Israeli chauvinism.

It is incorrect to speak of the "Zionist" bourgeois movement "welcoming us." because they have no idea what a mighty threat they will eventually have to face (meanwhile we are isolated from the main stream of the Jewish Community).

Those groups such as the Bund who have stood on the boundaries of Zionism (Lenin described them as "sea-sick Zionists), incapable of embracing it to the full bave degenerated and fallen apart due to the inconsistencies of their position. The Bund in Russia joined the Mensheviks while Poale Zion (Borochov's "Workers of Zion"" Party) allied themselves: with the Bolsheviks, forming units in the Red Army to defend the Revolution. At the present time Matzpen in Israel has broken up, the inherent contradictions in its structure have finally broken out, while SIACH continues to grow.

It is the comrades from SIACH who organised the violent peotests Cde. Landau writes of and it is with those who have consistently sup ported the Socialist Zionist position that the future lies. For far too long the revolutionary left has closed its eyes to a serious consideration The Red Mole 16-28 Feb 1971 Page 4 chauvinism and expansionism are rampant in the Jewish Community and within Israel itself we require the solidarity of our socialist comrades, it is to be hoped that this will be forthcomingYours fratemally.

Stephen Vines (On behalf of IPSAG), Israel-Palestine Socialist Action Group, c/o Sibly Hall, Redhatch Drive, Reading, Herks.

REPLY The tragedy resumes. This letter from Comrade Vines vindicates the fears outlined in the article on "Zionism's Red Flags" as to the confusions and diversions in the minds of Zionist-Influenced Jewish youth. 1. The theory evolved by Borochov applied to the Jewish workers in the conditions of Tsarist Russia. He predicted their extinction as their extremely fragile foothold in the economy was eroded by capitalist competition. In deducing this, he was guilty of the fundamental Zionist assumption that anti-semitism will permanently exclude Jews from normal economic life. The principal Jewish communities in the West today, participating in the different social classes of capitalist states, are not suffering progressive economic exclusion. 2. Again, the crude analogy between Zionist nationalism and modern National Liberation struggles! Frantz Fanon's observations on the viciously oppressed Third World nations are not to be stolen from their context and applied to the Jewish people as a whole as if they were the exploited peasants of Algeria or India. Nationalism amongst the majority peoples of advanced, capitalist states-British, American, German-reinforces imperialist reaction. Chauvinism in the economically advanced Zionist state is no exception. 3. The Bund, so lightly dismissed, mobilised in Its time more workers and intellectuals In Eastem Europe than the Zionists ever dreamed of recruiting. Lenin criticised its Jewish separatism within the wider Russian working class movement, but it always remained firmly in the ranks of that movement. As the class swung towards the Bolsheviks, the other parties, including the Bund, declined. The "Left" Zionists, however, only joined the struggles of Russia's workers because the conditions of civil war prevented their long-desired emigration to Palestine. In the circumstances, Borochor was driven to drastically revising his theories in 1917. Faced with the reality of socialist revolution, his previously "brilliant" writings were left to gather dust on the bookshelves! 4. The very interesting "SIAH" group in Israel today reflects precisely the bewilderment and confusion of young socialists who refuse to tear themselves away from allegiance to the national collective. Yes, they have demonstrated against the military occupation of Arab territories -recently and bravely on 21st November 1970. But what is their attitude towards the war that caused these very occupations?

*Q. Talking of justice and injustice, was the 1967 war a justified war, for you, for SIAH?

A. Yes. It w'as a defensive war.

And what is the basis of their opposition to Israeli militarism?

"It augers a vastly increased economic bur den and threatens a renewed deterioration of the military situation ... the peace and security of Israel are at stake."3 Not recognising the exclusive nature of the Zionist State as the problem, they must defend that State and seek to moderate its pblicies. This is the very essence of social democracy. Sincere and courageous in going into the streets, despite severe represslon, to demonstrate and to protest, they represent only one link in a chain of increasing youth rebellion in Israel. SIAH is already divided and split.

In May 1968, the walls of Paris carried a poster-a barbed-wire fence tipped apart, abore the words: "THE UNITY OF ALL THE WORKERS WILL BRING DOWN THE FRONTIERS." All of the frontiers, Comrade Vines.

Decid Landau 1. The later changes in Borochou's theories were never to be fully elaboraters he died on 17th December 1917. His meior works were published by Mendel Singer, Vienna, 1932. 2. Arik Ben Shakker, a SIAH leader, Interview in the "Liaison and Information Bulletin of the Israel-Pales tine Committees", issue no. 2, July /August 1970, in 3. Announcement by SIAH in the Israeli daily "Ha'aretz", 14th September 1970.

Dear Sir, 1 trust your readers were not over impressed by the blustering editorial reference to "pethetic liberals like the NCCL and their failure to secure justice for Paul Hoch. Briefly, the facts are as follows:

NCCL representations on behalf of Hoch's co-defendant Gordon Gillespie were made on August 6th 1970. Further representations were made to the Home Secretary on Paul Hoch's behalf on 6th October. On 22nd October Maurice Orbach M.P. met the Home Secretary to discuss these cases on the basis of a brief provided by the NCCL. Our representations on behalf of Mr. Gillespie were tumed down on 13th November and on the same date we received a Home Office letter deferring consideration of the Hoch case until he had completed his sentence. From the time of their arrest to Mr. Gillespie's enforced departure and Dr. Hoch's deportation we were regularly in contact with both the defendants and their solicitors. One of our representatives saw Dr. Hoch in prison and he at least was satisfied that we were doing everything possible on his behalf. The Home Office finally rejected our representations after Dr. Hoch had heen deported. As we knew this was likely to happen, we did our best to publicise the case and succeeded in getting the Guardian to publish details. Both our Parliamentary briefings and the statement issued for the protest meeting on Dutschke included references to the Hoch case and I rayself have spoken publicly about it on several occasions.

If you are accusing us of failure, we can accept the criticism, but to accuse us of not trying is nonsense and hardly helpful to what you describe as the "victims of capitalist repression"

Tony Smythe, National Council for Civil Liberties.

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page 5 of the scan

To understand the causes of the collapse of the and aircraft industry solvent; an enormous share gratis from the taxpayer since the only reason for nationalisation was to liquidate Rolls Royce's

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An exclusive Mole interview JOHN LENNON talke to Rubin Blackbin and Tarin Ali.

← THE TRUTHWhatever happened to Rolls Royce? →

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