BLACK DEMO IN MANCHESTER On July 3rd the Black Unity and Freedom Party (BUFP) organised a demonstration through Moss Side against racism in general and the Immigration Bill in particular. Moss Side is the Handsworth/Notting Hill of Manchester, The demonstration attracted -at its height-about 600 people. Politically it was a significant step forward for the Black Movement in Manchester. This can be seen in various ways. 1) The demo showed that black organisations are a reality. Contrary to the reports of various liberuls and Uncie Toms, movements like the BUFP and the Biack Panthers are gaining in viability, Coupled with this is the significant fact that papers such as Black Voice (the paper of the BUFP) and the Black People's News Service (the paper of the Panthers) are now being produced on a regular basis with sales in provincial. and not just London, black communities. 2) Moreover, such organisations have gone beyond the stage of "black nationalism" (although black nationalism is itself healthy compared with total passivity in face of attack). Instead the polities of movements like the BUFP are expieitly socialist. This can for instance be seen from the list of demands printed in Black Voice. Again, the class consciousness of the BUFP was scon in last Saturday's demonstration where there was a constant attempt made to show the links botween the Immigration Bill and the Industrial Relations Bill. Again, the revolutionary, internationalist consciousness of the BUFP was pin-pointed by the singing of the "Internationale" at the end of the demonstration the words of which were obviously unknown to a large part of the rest of the Manchester Left. 3) Indeed one of the significant, and optimistic, points of the demonstration was the presence in solidarity of most of the other Manchester Left groups (with one or two conspi: coous exceptions). This presence is significant not just for its own sake but also because it shows the increasing potency of the black organisations themachves. The Left has recog nised cxistence of raciom precisely because tising blac militancy has forced the Lett to recognise it It is no coin cidence that the Left has only begun to move on this issue since the growth of black groups-even though racism is as old as imperialism. 4) Finally various points can be made about the actual conduct of the demonstration. Thus the fact that it was held in a working class community at all is worthy of comment. Most demonstrations in England are held in city centres. However, julging from the effect of this one there is a good case for holding mote demos in working class areas. For instance people actually joined the demo en route-which is something quite rare here. Again for black militants in particular, demonstrations within the community must be of great significance in that it breaks down their feoling of isolation. Indeed, in this respect, one of the successes of the demo was that it actually kept the police off the streets of Moss Side for three hours a real victory.
THE BACKWARD ROLE OF THE BRITISH LEFT IN FIGHTING RACISM Itis worth emphasising again why the is a need for specific black organisations such as the BUFP and the Black Panthers However, to understand this it is necessary to understand the backward role the British Left has played historically in fighting racism, and consequently in failing to see the need for independent black organisations. The participation of the Left in demonstrations such as the recent one hete is obviously an improvement-nonetheless this is merely the beginning. for the Left as a whole is still very backward in this respect, This can be seen again in various ways. 1) Historically, the Left has more or less pretended racism does not existor at least it has never made any concerted attempt to fight it. This can be seen at Trade Union level with the total Taiture of the Unions to vigorousty try and unionise black labour especially Indian and Pakistani. One result of this can be seen in the terrible working conditions in lie mill towns ol orkslure Azain al lhe eerol the revolutionary groups, this backwardness has been shown by a failure to take racism seriously until compelled to do so by black militancy. 2) Although most of the Left is now foroed to recognise at Seast the existence of racism, yet many Left groups still fail to recognise the need for blacks to have cheir own, independent organisacions, bous sume bere tendences areme umas black organisations are "dividing" the working class-and that what black workers should do is to get logether with white workers and fight the common enemy, capitalism. This argument comes ouro various ways, t comes our al ta most contemptible level in the sneering way che Workers Press1 referred to the Black Panthers as "Black Power men" -and this in reporting a demonstration where black comrades were arrested, However, this argument-that black organisations are dividing the working class is seen most clearly in the Communist Party's slogan-"Black and White Unite and Fight."
The answer to all these liberal arguments is that the working class already is divided. Indeed the ruling class uses racism precisely in onder to divide the working class. Ir uses racist ideology to con white workers into believing that it is not it is black workers. The actual success of this tactic can be measured by the support Powell has.
BLACK AND WHITE UNITE AND FIGHT? Now as socialists we should not romanticise the working class Instead we must sec what capitalism has done to it -Blacks, and skinheads go "Paki-hashing" they are being out and out racists. Certainly this is not because these откетяаге nor cacies nas tarer because be boLsecae has conned them into a false consciousness so as to act against their own class interest. However. for black militants under attack and needing to delend Themselves, The distinetion in of little immediate relevance. To say to thern "Black & white unite & fight" is on the one hand af the worst telling or at the best to unite with people who have never in the past made any positive fight against racism (ie. the revolutionary Left as a whole). On the other band, what this slogan is also saying is that blacks should hang around fand continue to be victimised | until enough white workers have caught up with them and seen the need to fight racism. Consequently it can be seen that the barte need at the mo moment for blacks to organise themselves is that the only organisations that blacks can rely on to fight racism ure their own. This is because up to now no other force las emerged which is strong enough or reliable coough to wage this tight.
Anyhow the whole notion of "Black & white unite etc." is Uncie Toramish in that it is really whites saying to blacks, "Lock, you unite with as and we il belp you solve your problem. " This attitude was clearly represented in last Saturday's demonstration by those Left groups who put out propaganda aimed at recruiting blacks directly to their owb organisation-implication being that these should be joined rother than an independent black organisation. Again this attitude is clearly soen in the recent pumphlet by Mike Caffoor, The Figiu against Racialien, where the chapter "How to Defeat Rucialism" makes no mention of the need for blacks to have their own organisations but instead ends with a cheap recruiting drive to Caffoor sown group 3 It is this patronising assertion of superiority Le. we will help vou-that is itself the hallmark of racism. In fact, independent black organisations, undertaken through independent black initiative, are precisely the way blacks can assert themselves in this racist society. 3) Incidentally, this same liberal argument is used in respect to Northern Ireland where the equivalent is "Cathobc and Protestunt unite & fight"*, Again, this is a liberal platitude because at the moment the only people who are fighting are Catholics-and they are often having to defend themselves against physical attack by Protestant workers. 41 Another variaat of the "Black & white unite" theme is that the solution for black people in their fight against racism is to join trade unions and tenants associations and fight there alongide white workers for better condicions. Again this is, for instance, given emphasis in Caffoor's pamphlet.
Now certainly it would be useful to all workers if commitment to trades unions was generally increased. However. this applies to corumitment from both black and white workerg Moreover ase solution to racism, Chisitade union approach can he criticised on two counts. Firstly. it is necessary to fight racism not only against employers, unions themselves behave in racist ways. One instance of this has already heen given-namely the refusal of the unions themselves to positively try and recruit black labour and thereby fight to better their conditions. Another instance is the casc-recently reported hy the Black People's News Service- -of AEF officials remaining silent at the racist sackings of 350 Asian workers at Concygre Foundry, Tipton.
The second reason why a purely trade union approach offers no solution to blacks is that racism does not just affect blacks on the factory flour in the form of wages, bad conditions, etc. Instead racism affects blacks in every warthrough bad housing, through had schooling. through excessive unemployment, through pointed homilation at Social Security offices, through police brutality, through every form of legal restriction in the latest Imigration Bili, through a distorted view of history te.g. all hlacks wele suvages until we "civilised" thead), through scxual exploistion, through every day being described as "imigrants" (even il you're tourtl-generation British, you're will an "immigrant" If you're black), ete., etc., etc. It is precisely because racism is such a multi-headed oppression that blacks need their own organisations to fight racism on every frontTHE NEED FOR INDEPENDENT BLACK ORGANISATIONS Thus the need for independent black organisations is very clearly posed: 1) The basic reason is that the only organisations blacks can rely on to fight are their own. 2) The mere fact that blacks are taking the initiative is itself a blow against the racist ideology that blacks should "conform", 3) Given the fact that the working class is split by rucism, then the paradox is that it is only through independent black organisations that unity of the ciass can be forged This can be seen in two ways. Firstly, black organisations are chemsehes a way of politicing black people ie. of showing them that the canse of their oppressinn is cubito tem. Secondly, they are a way of politicising white workets seeing its cause. That black militancy does have this effect is shown by the very fact that it has forced at least some sections of the revolutionary Left to engage in solidurity action with the black stroggle.
Thir is the positive dialectic produced hy black militancy compared with which, "Black & white unite & fight" is empty loganising which does not explain how the class is to "unite TASK OF "WHITE" REVOLUTIONARIES At the moment the revolutionary socialist groupings (outside the specific hlack organisations) have to acknowledge various facts. Firstly they are almost overwhelmingly white. Secondly, they are treated with (healthy) suspicion by blacks-precisoly because of their had record in respect to racism. Thirdly, the yet-to-be-constructed Leninist Party would have obvious defects if black militants continue to remain hostile to it. Fourthly, many black militants will rommin hostile to it and see it as "white unless the British Left begins now to actively show it can be trasted. What then should the Left do?
I) Its basic revolutionary duty is to give unconditional sup port to all black people struggling against oppresson even when they are strugeling against white workers who are acting in a racist way. 5 Solidarity action as occurred in Manchester last Saturday is a start. 2) However, the Left must not stop at solitarity action. Instead, it must prove itselt capable of itself taking in independent initiative, Moreover, this initiative must be to fight racism amongst white workers by ramming home to white workers where their real class interest lies. This Is the rationale bebind the Black Defence Conmttees that The Red Mole, the International Marxist Group and the Spartacus League have tried to sponsor in various areas and this is why it is all the more regrettable that other Left groups have failed to participate in such committees Steve Cohen NOTES 1. WORKERS PHESS. April 28th, 197D. The occasion was a joint VSC/Black Panthers derno. 2. It is relevant to note that the C.P.'% tramernal organisstion in Australia actually supports the "White Australia" policy. Why domin't the C.P. come out and condemn this? 3. The group is IS. It is true that in the previous chapter Ceffoor devotes THREE sentences to the nood for black "defance graups within localities whose function will be to protect the black com munity". However, the whole emphosis of the last chapter is that alf black workers should immed ienely join I.S. Moreover, the two main existing black groups the BUFP and the Black Panthers-de not consider thomselves JUST as defenen grouas wi thin the community. Instead they are tiying to build lal national (bl offensive (al parties ld) with an expressly socialist progremme. 4 In a more general sense this shows why Lenin is right in sering that Trade Unions can never in themalves be a way of smashing capitalism precisely because thny never broach the well rounded o poression that captarsm bring: 5. Ir is in respect to raciam that Trotsky referred 1o white Amcrican workers as "beasts" see Trotsky on Black Nationalism
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