ENTRODUCTION While some organisations of Bisck Americans were making the headlines of the infemational press in recent years, not much was known about the political work which was carried orr among the black working class of Detroitcapital of the worid of the automobile-by the League of Black Revolutionary Workers. This organisation 3 principal target which was the conditions of black workers in the big enterprises sucias Dodge, Ford, erc., aiso had to deal with the yellow labour union United Automobile Workers /LAW), which-with a black membership of 45%-didn'T show interest for the specific probiems of the black working class. Already in May 1968 a group of leftist activists from the black community of Detroir. surted the Dodge Revolutionary Union Movement (DRUM) After having organised some black workers ar that factory, this organisation war able to initiate a labour strike lasting three days and witich received the support and participation of 90% of the Blacks employed at Dodge. Later on DRUM contribuzed to the organisation of similar groups at different places of work: Ford Revolutionary Union Movement /FRUM) and Eldon Avenue Gear and Axel Revolutionary Union Movement (ELR UM). which led to the creation of the League of Revolutionary Black Horker, which now plays a significant role in the black community of Detroit and az various places of work in the arez.
During the visit in Scandinawa of one of its organisers, Madison Foster, we had the opporturity of discussing the situation of the black struggle in general as well as the difference of approach and strategy which exist benween them and the Black Panther Party, Mr. Madison Fosrer came specially to Scandinavia in oner to mobilise public opinion agains the possibility thir the Swedish government might cede to America pretsures and refuse political aspium to one of their leading members, Mr. Giton Dowdell, who has been accased of fraud in connection with savings bonds. Faced with this frame-up which the authorities organised in order to remove him from his politiesi activities in Detroit, Mr. Glanton Dowdell chose exile in order to continue struggling for the liberation of fris people across the Arlantic.
-Could you define the main difference between the unspecified slogan "Black Power" that was raised a few years ago and "Black Workers' Power" that you use?
The slogan "Black Power" that was articulated by Stokeley Carmichael and other persons generally spoke to a feeling of black nationalism that has ebbed and flowed among black people ever since the Civil War. The League of Revolutionary Black Workers talks about "Black Workers' Power" in the sense that Blacks are exploiled us Blacks and that the whole feeling of nationalism is a base for rovolutionary endeavours.
- Does that affect your differences with the Black Punthers?
No, not really: The difference between the League and the Panthers is basccally one of practice although the fundamental analysis of the Black Community put forward by the Panthers is not the some as that of the League For instance the Panthers state that the most popular base on which to raise a revolutionary movement is the so-called "lumpen-proletariat".
We disagree with them. We say that empinically the black community is virtually a working-class community and that the most revolutionary segment of the the black community is the black workers.
-Why?
First of all. black workers are the most disciplined element in the bluck community. Black workers have most of the economic power in the way that black workers are specifically related to the meats of production. If one takes into consideration where black workers are located, it becomes clear that back workers sre nland at the most In the automobile industry, for example, which is a pivotal industry, black workers are doing the most dangerous and dehumanising work. Al the same time black workers importance is such that if they would refuse to work, then the process of production would cease. We also understand that Blacks are service workers, that Blacks drive buses, trucks and make the mail run. Blacks work at hotels and in hospitals. What we say is that this is a fantastical potential amount of power which, if organised, will assuredly be the most forceful means the Blacks have at their disposal for bringing about a radical change in America, The Black Panther Party talks about Blacks as if they were unemployables, as if Blacks are sitting or hanging around on street corners. Besides, they contend that the whole question of cypemation means that Blacks will be pushed out of the labour force. We do not agree with this approach. First of all, even though cypernation could push all Blacks out of the labour force, it would not occur for another decade. It would be mathentatically Impossible to push out all Blacks of the labour foree within a decade even if cypemation func tioned in this way. Fortunately cypernation does not. I don't think that the Black Panther Party anderstands the economics of black labour, that is to say that Blacks are essential to the production process in America.
Following these lines your organisation claims to be Marxist-Leninist and per definition this means to have an internationalist position. Now, considering the percentage of industries connected with armament in the United States, how do you relate to taking care of black workers interests without sacrificing your intemational responsibilities?
This explains our attempts at the League to gather enough resources so that we can sustain a black workers' strike. Therefore we have presently decided to refrain from striking if at all possible until such a time. The problem is that unless one is able to provide for the worker and his family one cannot sustain a strike over any longer period of time. On the other hand if you look at the factories in Detroit, for instance at "The Automatic Tank Command" you will find that approximately 90 of the workers there are Blacks which means that if Blacks stopped work they could paralyse the functionang of the factory. -Yes, we do have an international view of the world, We contend that unless one stops Americun imperialism with its aggressive expansionism and militarism one won't be able to talk of freedom anywhere in the world. We most assuredly support the liberation struggles throughout the world and we think that the struggle black workers wage, say, in the "belly of the beast" is a key factor in bringing about the downtall of imperialism. -But cannot freedom be reached through wars of national liberation even though American imperialism still exists and even though the conflicts within the country itself have not reached the proportion that could stop it? Of course, 1 am not saying that it is an either/or situation either you do deal with America from the outside or from the inside. Obviously the struggles going on in various parts of the world are related and connected to the struggle going on in America and vice versa. My point being that unless we are able to dismantle the capitalist, imperialist system that one finds inside America, there will continue to be various Vietnams, various struggles like the ones in Mozambique und Palestine. Therefore we conlend that the struggles Ike the one being waged by the League of Revolutionary Black Workers in the heart of America are essential in stopping the racist, imperialist wars that America is waging throughout the world.
-On the question of nationalism-does it stem from your condition as an oppressed minority in the USA or does it stem from the cultural heritage and the feeling of affiliation with the African Continent?
ATCO I think both factors are operating. First of all it is essential to recall the face that Blacks had a feeling of nationalism since they reached the shores of America. Prior to and after the Civil War we have known high and low points of nationalism. The period from 1915 to 1920 which was the highest point of black nationaLism with emphasis on being a different people was best articulated by men as Marcus GarveyOnce again following the death of the Civil Rights Moverent one finds that Blacks reached a hich point of nationalism. Rut this time we are contending in the League of Black Revolutionary Workers that nationalism is a base for change. Nationalism is not necessurily a political position per se. Therefore our understanding of nationalism is radically different from that of many other black organisations. The nationalism of the Black Muslims for instance is not the kind of nationalism we huve in mind. The same can be said of the nationalism of The Republic of New Africa" when it speaks of a kind of Zionism, that is a return to Africa or the creation of an independent black state in the south of the USA. We oppose these forns of nationalism as we feel that these organisations tail to tackle the real problem. We, on the ocher hand, see in black nationalism an "esprit de corps" and a cohesive base on which to build a revolutionary moverent in order to dismantie American capitalism. -Your organisation is now thinking abour working politically on a national level. Now, how are the authorities dealing with your organisation? Well, the League in a sense has already moved on a national level, One might say that we were pulled into the national arena. Black workers from places like Atlanta, New Jersey, etc. come to Detroit asking for help and requesting that we send teams of workers to the various cities to assist them in their organisational efforts. Consequently the League had to respond to these demands and in this way moved on the national arena. In terms of oppression I might note that the Lougue has been engaged in several legal battles. We are presently fighting against a Senate investigation. I suspect und I know that as we move on und increase our organisational efforts we will have to deal with other forms of oppression.
SAOR EIRE MESSAGE TO IMG NATIONAL CONFERENCE, 1971 Dear Comrades, The Irish revolutionary struggle has developed during the last year nut only in the of the nature of the fight against Imperialism and its agents throughout Ireland.
breaking the chains of British Imperialism that fetter the frish working class.
-Does that have any connection with yout t to Scandinavia to try to gain international support for your political activity?
Yes, I am here in Scandinavia for several reasons.
We realise in fact that international visibility makes it somewhat more difficult for the U.S.
Government to squush our movement. We are concerned to get some political support but also to raise some concrete and financial support for our movement. There are persons, progressive Danes, Swedes and people in Holland who have indicated an interest in our struggle as blaci people in general and in the Revolutionary Black Workers in particular.
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INTERNATIONAL subscriptions, 182 Pentonville Roed, London N.I Single copy: 5p + postage. occupied Six Counties but also in the Twenty-Six County Free State. If Imperialism is to be defeated and a Workers' and Small Farmers' Republic created, it is imperative that the Irish revolution receives the support and solidarity of the British and international working class. We welcome the active help and involvement of English revolutionaries in mobilising Irish workers in support of this struggle and in making the British working class politically aware We extend our fraternal greetings in the belief that the International Marxist Group, the British section of the Fourth International, can play a constructive and progressive role in -M. Price, D/C Saor Eire
A TROTSKYIST IN THE KREMLIN? An attentive reader of Soviet journals will have been lucky enough to acquaint himself with an author whom the Franch and English-language "Communist" press have chosen to ignore. We are speaking of our friend Nathan Weinstock.
One might search in vain, in fact, for even the smallest reference to his book Zionism against Israel in /'Humanite and La Nouvelle Critique in France, or Morning Star, Comment and Marxism Today this side of the Channel.
But if censorship of Trotskyist publications still holds sway in the West, the USSR itself is apparently breaking with the decreed silence. In the very official International Life a Moscow journal published in Russian, French and English -a certain L. Medvedko published, in January 1971, an article entitled Zionism and Israel", which contains in the space of six pages no less than 27 quotations from our oomrade's book (pp. 66 to 70 and p. 76).
It is to be wondered why this book which has "aroused a great deal of interest both abroad and in Israel" we are quoting Medvedko (p.66)
has been completely passed over by our own Communists. Ought not wide publicity to be given to a publication against which "the ideologies of international Zionism have not been Jong in starting a well-sustained fire (- ) making use to this and of all the weapons of their propaganda arsenal" and "sparing nothing" (p. 66)?
The Soviet reader would certainly be most dismayed at this. For he knows Weinstock very well! The friends of his friends are his friends. And "the idea that N. Weinstock wanted to emphasise (- ) is also the conclusion suggested to the Israeli workers by the theses of the (Turaeli) Communist Party ..." (p. 76)!
So why not give a rundown on this fellowtraveller?
The answer is so obvious that Professor Zivs, who was delegated to Belgium at the time of the Conference on Soviet Jewry to put the Russian viewpoint, was well and truly flabbergasted, in a debate at Brussels University, to discover in Weinstock an abominated Trotskyist Well, well! As a regular reader of International Life, he had been under the impression that our comrade was a supporter of "peace and co existence in the Middle East" (p. 76). But he found on the platform, much to his amazement, a supporter of the Arab revolution, a mortal enemy of the Soviet bureaucracy, and a supporter of the rights of Russian Jews! Who on earth could have predicted that the Kremlin would be doing publicity for the Fourth International?
Evidently, Medvedko had been somewhat selective in his quotations. He had unfortunately omitted to point out that, from the very first page of Zionism against Israel, reference was made to "the stifling of independent Marxist thinking by Stalinism", that the same chapter contained about ten pages on the repercussions. of the Stalinist (and post-Stalinist) degeneration of the Russian Revolution on the condition of Soviet Jewry, and that the entire work revolved around the theory of permanent revolution.
However, Modvedko had inserted a subtle hint in his review, which ought not to have escaped the well-informed Soviet reader. Quoting from Weinstock a text of Lenin's on the Jewish question, he introduced the passage with the following comment: "Interpreting in his own way the Marxist conception of the Jewish probJem..." (p. 68, our emphasis). It was enough to give food for thought: to intarpret the Jewish question after the manner of Lenin is evidently to study it in the Trotskyist perspective! You won't however be able to convince the Kremlin's publicists that their conceptions are Leninist!
The Red Mole 1st July 1971 Page 12 "RANK AND FILE": TV AND CLASS STRUGGLE The screening of Jim Allen's play "Rank and File "on Thursday 20th May turned into a major political event. The play itself was closely modelled on the Pilkington strike and presented a scaring indictment of Trade Union bureacuracy and Labourism. The realist aesthetic used so succesfully in Jim Allen's previous TV plays, "The Lump" and "The Big Flame", again drove home the political points in a powerfully authentic fashion. The pivotul character was played by a former industrial militant and the other parts were filled by drawing on the actors who usually play in working men's clubs and are quite unlike the usual phoney caricatures seen on TV or cinema screens when shop-stewards are depicted. The play showed what a waste of time it was to lobby "left" Labour MPs such as Eric Heffer instend of getting to the root of the real industrial and political problems posed by the strike. The odious role of the TUC in persuading the men to go back to work and in dishonouring their pledge to ensure there would be no victimisation of militants, was exposed with unanswerable force. However the real political lessons of the play emerged with even greater clarity in Woodcock and a representitive of the CBL. While none of these gentlenen could deny the accuracy and autheaticity of the play they all denounced it as one-sided and unfair to union leadership and management. In true red-baiting fashion Scanion chose to ignore the serious charges made against bisown role in the affair by saying that Allen was just a wrecker motivated by "Trotskyit philosophy" who wanted to destroy Social Democracy and not improve the conditions of the men. When Allen calmly and firmly insisted that Scanlon explain why he had not acted on a letter he sent to the militants promising them that they would be protected against victimisation, Scanion replied RED CIRCLES/RED MOLE CONTACTS BELFAST: Alan Morris, c/o The Red Mole.
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Hull IPSWICH; Kevin Barter, 2 Camarthen Cinse, Ipswich Inconsistencies of Scare Capitalism...
The Mystifications of State Capitalism.
The Credibility Gap-The Politica of the SLL.
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Please add 155 for pGp. Orders over 3 sent post free. the following evenings discussion of the play on late Night Line-up" where Jim Allen confronted Hugh Scanion, George R.B.
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Battle Hospitall, Reeding, Berka ING PUBLICATIONS IMG PUBLICATIONS IMG PUBLICATIONS *IMG PUBLICATIONS 182 Pentonville Road, London N.1. Tel: 01-837 6954 - Ernest Mandel - 25p Ernest Mandel : 10p Tony Whelan : 25p 1 2p : 4p Leon Trotsky : 8p Peter Humpoon = 5p Ernest Mandel : 5p Ernese Mandel : 6p Brest Mandel : 15p Leonora lloyd : 10p Warde : 125p Tariq Ali et al : 10p John Weal :8p London Socialist Woman Group : 15p : 2p R. Davis : 5p : 10p that he hud written no such letter. Thereupon Allen produced the letter from his pocket and read it out, revealing Scanion to be a liar as well as the betrayer of the strike. The play and discussion were in fact a very advanced example of the use of the mass media in the class struggle The only criticism one could have of the play is that the subject chosen the struggle of an inexperienced and unprepared group of workers suggested too much fatalism and defeatism. There was scarcely even an embryonic political organisation in the factory so the discussions among the militants on the conduct of the strike did not inchude making real political initiatives or indicating concrete alternutives. For this reason "Rank and File" was not like The Big Flame which developed a more ambitious theme -dockers take over and temporurily run the docks where they work until the army and the police suppress them. However by limiting himself to one specific strike Allen achieves u different, and equally important, effect - a greater understanding of how strikes get sabotaged by reformist union lesdership. The only point on which Allen was not completely persuasive in the discussion of the lessons of his play concers the advisability of the Rank and File Committee breaking from their union. If such a move would have attracted the support of the workers involved then it is hard to see why it would have been politically incorect. What was in question was not setting up a breakaway "Red Union" but switching from one highly corrupt and bureaucratised union (GMWU) to a somewhat less corrupt und bureacuratised union (TGWU). Such a switch, if it commanded the support of the men (which it is admittediy difficult to be sure about) would not have "split the working class" but been a real blow against one viciously reactionary TU burerucracy and a warning to all such bureaucracies, However at least this question was raised very powerfully even if Allen's own reasoning was not entirely clear.
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An Interview With Hugo Gonzalez The Current Situation in Bolivia | Hugo González Moscoso, leader of the POR (Partido Obrero Revolucionario - Revolutionary party, the Bolivian section of the Fourth International), gave the following interview in late April to Jean-Pierre Beauvals of the French Trotskyist weekly Rouge. We have translated the InterView from the May 17 Issue of Rouge.] Question: How would you eharaeterize the present nituation in Bolicial Answer: Since Torres came to power, the situation has been marked by great instability. Ovando's exit was a clear manifestation of the disintegration of the Bolivian regime and of the only organization still capable of defending the Interests of the local bourgeolsie and imperialism — the army, or rather the army-party, Inasmuch discredited by his dally Ovando had to be replaced. However, despite the advice of the American embassy, the military chief could not Torres enjoyed from the workers and students enabled him to win out. armed then apparently grouped around Torres under the siovictors and no venquiebed."
This development, in fact, accelerat ed the crisis in the armed forces, which are now spill into two, if not several, manipulated by the State Department and the CiA and by their Brazilian military hirelings. On the other hand, a nationalist wing, which, as an added attraction, claims to be revolutionary. la trying to follow a policy of bour geois reform that involves making sec ondary concessions to the mase move ment, with the evident aim of co-opting One thing must be clearly understood, however. Despite the divisions that have weakened it, in the last anal. usis the army, the military party of the bourgeoisie, still holds power, Emphasie In the original. - IP Thus, the attempted coup January 10 and the recent events in Santa Cruz province must be viewed in the contest of the split in the armed forces.
Ae regarde the attempted coup January 10, of course, the facis are quite clear. The officers implicated in thin affair are notorlous CIA stooges.
The aborted coup in Santa Cruz is Inasmuch as it revealed some very precise plans worked out by the imperlalists. The province of Santa Cruz covera more than a third of the country's territory. Unlike the other regions, it is a zone of plains and forests extending uninterruptedly The principal economic activity is carried on by the big tropical plantations, but the mineral and petroleum resources, unexploited in the main, are enormous. With the direct participaton of offieers and agents of the neighboring Brazilian regime, the imperialists tried to lay the groundwork for a separatist movement in this province, a movement that would base Itself on the big landowners.
The Imperialists were pot aiming for an immediate success. They will carry out their plans if the revolutionary forces take power in La Paz. The March operation, in which some milltary leaders laid alege to the provincial capital, organizing demonstra. tions of planters and agricultural workers-who in this type of large landholding system are bound to their employers like alaves to masters — was Intended to put Torres on notice and blackmail him with a threat of secesBion by the province... Everything was directly stage-managed by Washington and Brasilia.
Q. What a Torest position topand the sectors of the army hostile to him?
A Torres is not a "comrade, that is, an ally of the popular forces, ae some reformiats and, above all, the Bolivian Communiet party would have us believe. Basically he represents and defends his caste - the army - as part of his job of defending the class to which he belongs, the bourgeoisie. In this sense, he has had one clear objec tive since he came to power - toreunite the armed forces and, of course, re efforts, all his stepe pursue this aim.
Of course, in the face of a masa mobilization of the workers, students, and certain sectors of the peasantry, he la forced to compromise... but that la only a technical step necessitated by the weakness of this regime. And he forces is restored, to bring the masa For our part, we do not think that Torres will achieve his objective.
The right-wing officers and the AmerIcon services are too mistrustful of Torres, who, they think, le a captive of the worker and student mobiliza.
The most probable outlook is for a right-wing coup d'etat sweeping him away rather rapidly and for a 9. What is the attitute of ing class ford Torres a A One thing ls clear. While they support Torres against threats of an extreme right coup d'etat, the most combative and advanced sectory of the working class do this only halfgling to Impose their own solution to the Bollvian crisis, that Is, a workers' and peasants government that would be definitely and concretely anti impeThe bistory of these last monthe in Indicates this fact clearly Thus, at the time of the January 10 coup, about 4,000 miners came to La Par from the mining regions. They came in trucks with Jarge stocke of dynemite expropriated in the mines. Officially, they came to defend the Tor. res government When they arrived In La Paz, they went, atill armed, to the presidential palace and demonstrated They offered a very strange For several hours the miners demshouting "Down With Imperialism." "Long Live Che," "Soclai Yes, Betrayal No, "Long Live the Guerrillas",.. Torree did dare come out as they called on him to do. Finally he made a speech hear. Ly larded with demagogy, Unsatlafied, the miners continued to demonstrate. At last, after twenty-four hours, they agreed, under the pressure of of their union leadere and thanks to some "economic conceasions by Torres, to return to the mines. This Is one example among many indicating the mood of the Bolivian working Hut we must also take account of the attitude of the reformist union leaders and the Communist party. They are supporting Torres. And all their activity is taken up in maneuvering to channelize the energy of the masses and the mass movement into supportThin attitude is reflected very concretely in the matter of arming the workers. This problem is on the agenda, and the consciousness nf tha worl. ers themselves has reached the point where they raise it every day. The forms taken by the demonstration 1 have Just described are a clear indication of this.
The reformist or CP leaders continually evade this question and try to divert this tendency, this dem and, which would be a powerful asset for the workers when the time comes for them to impose their own solution and stop playing the role of arbiter between two factions of the army, an extremely dangerous role and one which they will not long be allowed to play, as we have seen. In attempting to carry out their policy, the reformist leaders have the advantage of not Inconsiderable influence and even a certain prestige. Let us not forget that they were the victims of severe repression in the previous period.
Q. Much has been said about the People's Assembly, shich, notabig was formed after the January 10 coup d'ema. What is the POR's position with A, This assembly was formed in the confusion at the time of the unsuccessful right-wing coup d'etat of January 10. It tended to try to become a workers' parliament, taking charge of or of the extreme right. As carly as last October, we advanced the idea of formIng such an organization In our protaken up by many other sectors of the Confronted with the development of the People's Assembly, and once the danger of the rightlat coup was paased, attitude. Eventually, he chose to try to co-opt it He took up a serles of de. mande raised by the People's Assembly and granted it offleial recognition.
In the People's Assembly, which Includes all the leftist parties and unions, the COB (Central Obrera Boliviana -Bolivian Labor Federation] playe the The left wing, to which the POR belongs, has developed the idea that the People's Assembly should be a body that would discuss national problems leave the power in the hande of the mass organizations (unions and popular militia or people's army).
The situation Is quite different teThe People's Assembly i hardly more than a kind of natlonal parlament were the most Impor tant sectors of society are represented The working class has a certain per centage of the seats, peasants and the middle ciasses. thermore, every organization that parteipated in the "People's Command" set up at the time of the (October 1970] coup d'etat has two representatives. It must also be noted that the People's enough to be able to organize the The 1971 Annuel Conference of the International Marxist Group (British Section of the partners and agents of U.S. imperialism have been completely smashed.
VICTORY TO THE ERP/PRT VICTORY TO THE LATIN AMERICAN REVOLUTION LONG LIVE THE FOURTH INTERNATIONAL perspectives are extremely limited. An acute political crisis might revive it but that is not certain. The POR comrades in the People's Assembly, whether they represent the party directly or some undon, hold no lusions. They are using the People's Assembly as a forum, a platform. That is all Q. In the present situation what ac loites is the POR carrying on and what perapectiver is it folloting?
A. In the present context, the party's work followe two main lines. On the one hand, we are striving to link ourselves with the masses and, over and above this, Increase our forces. On the other, we are preparing internally for future confrontations, as a revolutonary party must do in a situation such as we have analyzed and in line with the developments that we expect To pursue these two taske at the same time, to combine them, la an extremely difficult thing.
Ovando government the party operated in completely clandestine conditions and was totally absorbed in armed work. Since lost November, after Totres came to power, we have been able to redevelop our legal work aimed at the unions but also the peasants and the universities, where we had done On the basis of our political analyes and program, we have registered a number of gains and increased our strength markedly. But this was also a result of the prestige we gained in our previous armed to shoulder with the ELN Ejército de Liberación Nacional - Natlonal Liberation Army, the guetrilla force led in 1967 by Che Guevara).
Through our program we won the leadership of several small unions of line was adopted In full by the La This growth In our mass influence Is reflected In the progress of our pubout regularly each month. We are also publishing a monthly student paper and in the coming months we witt But obviously this work cannor be capitalized on, or have any meaning in the long run, except in the context armed struggle. In the present unstable situation we look on everything 8u The repression that is to come will signal the start of a new stage of armed struggle on a scale the varlous sectors of the Bolivian peasants and including the studenta • - Fundamentally it is this stage we are preparing for by trying to take full advantage of the opportunities offered us by the present situation.
MESSAGE TO THE PRT/ERP, ARGENTINA Fourth International) extends its warmest fraternal greetings to the comrades of the PRT (Argentinian Section of the Fourth International) and the ERP, the revolutionary Army they are in the process of building. Your recent militant actions which have been welcomed by the Rosario workers and have upset the trade union burewscrats and the bourgeoisie have shown in a very concrete way some of the possibilities which are opening up for the Fourth International. The fact that the capitalist official you arrested and released after your demands hed been met was also a British official is no accident. It shows the very real links which exist between British and Argentinian capitalism and that is why we are more enthusiastic than we would normally have been at your action. Comrades, we solidarise with your struggle, with your militants who have fallen in battle, and with all the victims of bourgeois repression. We are confident that you will deepen and extend the armed class struggle sill the Argentinian
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AL. POWER TO THE PEOPLE! AlCOsupreme
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This armed struggle will be a highly diversified one and will encompass