Less than 1% of the active population in Venezuela is employed in the oil industry. in spite of the fact that this industry provides over 90% of Venezuela's exports, The labour force employed by the oil companies has been reduced from about 50,000 in 1958 to about 20,000 now, and it is still being reduced. These massive sackings have turned the area around Lake Maracaibo, which is one of the richest producing areas in the world, into a place of abject poverty for its people. The oilcompanies, which are supposed to under Venezuelan law to hand over their concessions and all their installations to the Venezuelan state in 1983, have been running down their investments, illegally selling off their assets, and reducing their operations as far as they can. In order to evade the not very onerous obligations of their contruct, they have also been hiving off many of their operations to private contractors.
The resulting high unemployment is abominably exploited by those and others contractors, who practise what is called the comercio de la hambre (the hunger trade). They get workers to work for them on Saturdays dominated by the political parties. In the oil and Sundays without pay merely by offering them the prospect of a possible day of paid work during the week, If workers get three days work in a week they are entitled under Venezuelan law to a paid day of rest; so the contractors give them two days" work. If they work for three months, they are entitled to social security payment; so they are sacked befure the end of the three months. If by chance they are employed for longer, the contractors wait outside the bank where they nave collected their payments and demand that they should give the payments back to him Sometimes the contractors rob the workers pay pockets; the packet may say 250 Bolivars on the outside, and actually contain 150 Bolivars (equivalent to E15 at the official exchange rate, but in real terms equivalent to very much less). In no case can the workers complain, because he knows that if he does he will get no more work. Venezuela is one of the richest countries in Latin America, and one of the most expensive to live in, but in the area around Maracaibo some families subsist on E50 a year.
This situation, and the throat of further sackings, and of further handing over to the mercies of the contractors, has led to the first strike in the oil industry, apart from token stoppages, since |936. The previous lack of militancy can be explained by two factors: by the policies of the oil companies, and by the state of the union leaderships, Since Venezuelan oil is of exceptional strategic importance to imperialism, the policy of the oil companies has been to create a privileged and docile labour force and to foster a sense of superiority and difference from the rest of the population. "Militant nil-workers acknowledge that they have been all 10o successful in this. In addition, the union leadership is corrupt and has pursued a policy of class collaboration. In Venezuela The unions are not usually organised by industry, but are political unions in the sense that they are industry, the workers began to create their own unions in the 30s, at first clandestinely. "They were eventually recognised by the government, and later by the oil companies. But political control of the major union in the oil industry, the SOEP (Sindicato de obreors empleados petroleros/ was gained by Accion Democrutica, which from 1958 to 1969 was the ruling party: the union leadership therefore conformed with the government's anti-working class policies and legislation, using police repression when necessary to maintain its control of the union. The fact that the union Icaders ae now members of the M.E.P. (Morimiento electoral del pitchio), a Jettward split from Accion democratica, had done little to change their propensity to class collaboration.
There is nevertheless considerable militancy among ruak and file oil-workers, who now constitute one of the most advanced sectors of the Venezuelan working class, together with the steel workers in the East of Venezuela. At the beginning of 1971, pressure from the base finally forced the union leaders to call a strike in protest against the vil-companies policy of evading their legal obligations by contracting out work.f Within the oil industry there exists an organisation called the Blogue independiente petrolero (B.I.P. Independent oil block), whose main immediate objective is to win control of the SOEP for the workers. This group participated in a Congress with political and organisational objectives, called the Cultural Congress of Cabimas, held in the heart of the oil-producing area together with representatives of the armed organisations, revolutionary intellectuals, Trotskyists and other groups and individuals. A fundamental criterion for participation in this Congress was support for the arred strugglet in its political declaration, accepted by the participants, the Congress declared that the only way for Latin American to achieve its liberation was through the socialist revolution, without going through any "stage" of national bourgeois revolution, through the armed struggle, and through the creation of the party of the revolution. The B.I,P. sent a message of support to the Congress participated in its debates, and is represented on the Committee against Dependence and Neo-colonialism (Comitecontra la dependencia y el neocolonialismo) which was set up by the Congress.
In Lagunillas, in one of the oil companies' carp near Lake Macaraibo, just South of Cabimas, we talked to three members of the B.I.P.: GIl Alrio Sanchez, Antonio Gomez, and Jesus Ramos Chavez. We asked them to explain what the B.I.P. is. - We are a group of workers who are not compromised in any way with the political parties. We think the parties should serve the union, not the other way round, as things are here. The unions in Venezuela are totally corrupt, their leaders are sometimes even members of the government. They are not interested in dealing with our problems.
EVENTS "İrish Citizen' Forums, Thurs, June 17th.
8.0pm.
*Why the Provisionals?", Mike Calanan (London Sinn Fein). Thursday July 1st. 8,0pm "Why the Officials?". Seamus Collins (President of Clann na hEireann)
Both ar the "Ear/ Rusself" Pancras Rd.
between King's X & St. Pancras St These forums, which will take place every two weeks aim to provide a centre for discussion of Irish political problems, and will cover a very wi de range. The Forums are open and all are welcome, MANCHESTER: Every Friday, Red Circle meets 8.Opm in the "Wheatsheaf" pub, High Struet, Manchester 4.
NORTH LONDON Red Circle meets every Tuesday at 8.0pm a The Earl Russell pub. (see directions above).
BLACK DEFENCE C'TEE, Every Friday 8.0pm in the George /V pub Pentonville Rd.
opp. Mackready's Friday 25th June. 7.45pm.
Micheel Duane on "The Tory attack on Education", Conway Hall, Red Lion Square, WC 1, Meeting organised by Rank & File Teachers.
June 15th. Friends Meeting House, June 15th.
Tuesday 7.30pm "Bangla Desh, the spark for South Asia'" Speaker: Tariq Ali-Just returned from Bengal.
June 15th. Friend's Meeting House, Tuesday 7.30pm.
In THE MARXIST No. 17, June 1971;
MIKE COOLEY examines ASPECTS OF TECHNOLOGICAL CHANGE in the light of Marx's philosophical and econo mic manuscripts: MIKE FAULKNER writes a centenary LOSA LUXEMBU ROVIRGINI writes on the PARIS COMMUNE Also articles on WAGES, PROFITS AND INFLATION: the Industrial Relations Bill. Single copies: 12%p pos paid, 6 issues 70p post paid, from Tom Hill, 11 Barratt Avenue, Wood Green, London N.22 OF JUGGLERS AND JUGGLERY On May 26th the Workers Press correctly pointed out how the Moming Stor had "juggled" the figures for the numbers taking part in the French CP's demonstration in Paris commemorating the Commune.
Two days later the Workers' Press spoke of a "13,000 strong AJS demonstration" (the AJS is the French Healeyite youth organisation) -des cribed earlier as being "composed almost entirely of members and supporters of the AJS."
In fact, as their own picture of May 28th clearly shows, this so-called AdS demonstration was actually a loose amalgam of various organisations, including Force Ouviere and the Anarchist Federation (supporters of the AJS?). The Times report of May 240h makes it all even clearer. It describes how "The Socialist Party joined the Force Ouvriere, the third largest trade union organisation, the left wing teachers" federation, the Trotskyists (ie the Healevites!) and about 20 other orgoriations for this demonstration.
Now who's juggling with figures (Incidentally, the Worders Press completely failed to report the 35,000 strong Fourth International demo of May 16tb, despite the fact that one of their leading reporters, John spencer was in Paris at the time.)
The free-masons in France (on left) review the French Healyite contingent on their joint demo. Now we know how. Healy