IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

CHAD: An African Vietnam?

The Red Mole Vol. 1, No. 9, 15 September 1970 · p. 9 of the scan · 1,281 words

The scan: v01n09-sep-15-1970.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 9 of the scan

Fierce fighting is taking place today in the African territory of Chad between the central government forces aided by French troops and the left-wing Frolinat, using guerrilla warfare methods. The fighting started in 1966 and became so fierce in 1968 that the Chad government called in French troops.

This is the second large-scale French inter. vention in an internal African war to defend a weak and reactionary regime. The first was in February 1967 when France sent in troops to reinstate President Leon Mba of Gabon, who had been overthrown by a coup d'etat.

Chad is bordered by Libya in the north, Sudan in the east, Central Africa Republic to the south and Nigeria in the west. It has a population of 3½ million, of whom 6,000 are Europeans. France has a permanent air base at Fort Lamy with 1,000 men in addition to 2000 soldiers who were flown in mainly in 1969. Frolinat's forces have grown to about 3,000 strong. Political History Before the French colonised Chad, the sultans in control of feudal states dominated the entire country. Constant raids into the southern part of Chad were organised by the powerful Muslim 'tribes' in the North, in order to orocure siaves.

The first successful colonising expedition by the French was the Gentil mission which reached Lake Chad in 1897. The Franco-British Convention in 1898 allotted the Lake Chad area to France which turned it into a centre for its other colonial activities. Proper colonial administration started in 1913 when Chad was fully constituted as a French territory. France concentrated is errorst on tne concentrated its efforts in the South and began a process of "Christianisation", the Muslim North was largely neglected. Today nearly 50% of the population of Chad are Muslims, 45% are animists and 5%, mainly in the South, are Christians.

Francois Tomblabaye, a former teacher nd a staunch Southern Christian and a leade of the had Progressive Party, became Presiden when Chad became "independent' in 1960. In 1962 Chad declared itself a Republic and all opposition parties were immediatly banned. Since 'independence' the southerners have always dominated the central government and discriminated against the Northerners both politically and economically.

FROLINAT AND THE TOMBLABAYE REGIME The organisation leading the struggle against the reactionary government is Frolinat under the leadership of Dr Abba Siddick. The latter knows Tomblabaye well: for 13 years they worked within the same party. It was only in 1968 that Siddick joined Frolinat. The split was basicly on the question of nationalism. Tomblabaye is a liberal admirer of the 'free' world, i.e. France, USA, Britain and W. Germany. Siddick is a progressive nationalist who strongly denounces neo-colonialism and cites une French military presence as a sure sign of the regime's political affiliations.

Frolinat is a united front of two banned organisations, the Chad National Union, a militant anti-imperialist national movement with Marxist elements and the conservative and Muslim influenced General Union of the Sons of Chad. It is clear, however, that it is the left-wing elements who dominate Frolinat and are coming into contact with the dynamics of the permanent revolutionary process. Tomblabaye explains the revolt with a simplicity typical of imperialist puppets throughout the world: " If we must admit that errors have been committed by the representatives of our administration in the North, it is clear that these were merely a pretext for certain people to statisfy their personal political ambitions. Among the Chad Muslims there is a long tradition operates in Bet and Kanen. of cattle-stealing and pillage. Those who claim they are leaders of the rebellion are simply trying to profit from our difficulties, and have no political programme to propose.

Abba Siddick replies that the Chad regime practices a systematic and conscious oppression and discrimination against the Muslim half of the country and at the same time attempts to build a new Christian southern bourgeoisie linked to and depending on Western European finance capital.

WHAT DO THE 'EXPERTS' TELL US According to the 'africanists'-the Western white experts on Africa subsidised in some way or the other by imperialist intelligence organisations- the 'problem' in Chad is simply a clash between Christianity and Islam. It is a 'tribal' conflict between the Arabs and the Negroes and only foreign military intervention can solve the some aspects of the country's administration. (Compare to attitude of British ruling class to the anti-imperialist struccle in Northern Ireland.

The French Foreign Minister is quite blatant on the reasons for intervention: "Chad is in the heart of Africa. Any threat to its integrity must be of concern to its neighbours. " (like France?)

and money from the Chadian refugees living in Libya. But the recent French sale of 100 Mirage jets-af1000 m. business deal- has prevented Libya from giving any help to the rebels. Only recently the Libyan leader, al-Oadafi expressed his desire to be neutral, saying that the situation in Chad was not clear. It is obvious that al-Qadafi has bowed to French pressure and promised to remain neutral in the dispute.

The guerrilla army which originated from a few dozen ill-equipped and untrained groups, has become extremely well-organised and relies more and more on the masses. It s not inconsiderable successes give the lie to the myth that guerrilla warfare depends solely on suitable terrain. Frolinat is able to recruit from, melt into and get material support from the masses. THeir weapons include both spears and muskets as well as modern sophist icated weapons captured or liberated from the French and Chadian armies.

The first Liberation Army of Frolinat operates in the east and centre, taking in the Biltini, Wadai, Chari-Baguirmi, Moyen Guerra and Salamat areas. The Second Liberation Army After the direct intervention by French troops the reactionaries nad noped that tne revon would be brought to an early end and reforms would be introduced to ease the plight of the Northern Muslims. But the young militants of Frolinat are now no longer prepared for piecemeal reforms and their military strength permits them to continue their anti-imperialis stance.

In an attempt to wean the Muslim masses away from Frolinat, the Chad government tries to follow the advice of the French: to reinstate the Sultans and make use of them and other traditional leaders who were maintained by the government during direct colonial rule. The Chad government now pays these leaders' a heavy subsidy and gives them weapons to fight against the guerrillas, but this only has the effect of hardening the anti-feudal core of the movement.

Frolinat continues to wage the struggle on its own: the Soviet Union has needless to say issue by establishing law and order and reforming refused all help: they have made it clear that they would prefer negotiations between the two sides and a constitutional struggle. The Soviet bureaucracy, ofcourse, thinks that it is madness to wage armed styruggle in an independent African state.

In most African countries where neo colonialism is still strong, the collaboration Frolinat gets a large part of its trained recruits between the educated African bourgeoisie ruling elite and international capitalism is being challenged The fact that 'independence' was a sham is becoming more and more obvious to growing number of militants inside Africa; they are also beginning to realise that a liberation movement organised entirely on a nationalist basis is doomed to failure and that an anti-capitalist ideolgy and leadership is essential for success In future issues of The Red Mole we will provide informatio n on the anti-feudal and anti-imperialist struggles in Uganda, Lesotho Congo-Brazaville, Southern Africa, etc and a glossary of the organisations conducting them, the nature of the leaderships and the support which they are being able to win.

Chen Chimutengwende

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