IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

LETTERS porting to to a try time, has been no response to this challenge either a great man who has died is to consider him

· Black Dwarf Vol. 14, No. 24, 15 November 1969 · p. 6 of the scan · 2,720 words

The scan: v14n24-nov-15-1969.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

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page 6 of the scan

Justman to go on strike making a united stand Chi Minh on its front cover and a quotation Defence of the two accused Pakistanis had been With reference to David Kessel's letter in the insulting to the person you want to praise. August 30th issue, we are surprised that there since Dwarf's stance is extra-parliamentary. The ideological confrontation raised is that of Pluralism versus Revolutionary Socialism. The topic for debate is therefore the effect of Parliamentarianism C.P.G.B. We feel that three points need to be on the clarified by Comrade Kessel if he is going to seriously advocate his proposition: a) Is not a party geared to electioneering in a bourgeois framework rather than fighting on the shop floor and wherever else the working class is directly attacked, in danger of becoming organisationally deranged? b) What is the relationship between a mass-appeal party and a progressive, but not necessarily popular, activist group?

c) How does the revolutionary" C.P.G.B. transfer the power basis into the hands of the working class, build and maintain Socialism whilst retaining the parliamentary form? Is not Parliament the committee created by affairs. That is to say bourgeois system and control of it is not -it is a part of the equivalent to control of that system. Parliament ceases to have any real meaning once its class basis bas been smashed, yet the C.P.G.B. insists that these structures will continue to function after an electoral victory. conception riddled with an inconsistency which We find this is only consistent with opportunism.

Yours fraternally, Gary Britain, Tony Soames. High Elms, Compton, Nr. Newbury.

Whatever your feelings as members of the Dear readers, public, 1, as a dustman feel that you should know the facts behind the recent strike. People generally enjoyed a high standard of living lustman was earning nign were under the impression rate of pay and but or learning the true facts, the public in general were genuinly shocked that a dustman was only earning fifteen pounds nine shillings per week less deductions. These men who were expected to feed and clothe their families on such a low his congratulations to the Kremlin.

income for many years, forced the London against their employers demanding five pounds per week increase which was considered justified. We have every sympathy with the public inasmuch as they have not had their rubbish cleared by us for some time, as this withdrawal of labour by the dustmen was and is their only weapon against antiquated working conditions and very low rates of pay.

Tony Sweeney Kensington, London W.11 Dear Dwarf, Having been at the memorial meeting for Ho Chi Minh in the Conway Hall last Saturday, I feel obliged to express my disgust at the development of that meeting. Like many other comrades there, I strongl lisagreed with the views expressed by the I.S.

speaker, above all expressed on such a platform.

However, much as I feel he should have chosen a different platform to express his views, the subsequent developments were in a way far Dear Dwarf, more deplorable.

differences exist, and it would be stupid to simply try to ignore them. But if we cannot control ourselves even to the extent of avoiding a shouting match and complete chaos at a meeting to mourn the death of a major revolutionary figure, it is difficult to see how we can claim to be true revolutionaries. As a later speaker rightly pointed out, whatever our differences with the policies and practices of the D.R.V. Party and government may be, the facts of the Vietnamese revolution and their incontrovertible - meanwhile where are we? heroic defeat •O T Obviously we can't ignore the differences within the British left, and some are probably policemen arrived.

irreconcilable. But if in the emotional fury of of our fundamental aim, namely the overthrow imperialism, then get anywhere. I don't pretend to know the For the greatest service that can be done for beaten up outside his own front door. from readers or by official Dwarfs - unusual critically, attempting to assess not only his Mr. Khurshid contribution to the struggle but also his errors. By learning from his mistakes, we enhance the value of his legacy. Obviously Ho Chi Minh was a leader of the "revolutionary' highest calibre. He personified the courageous stand of the Vietnamese people against foreign aggressors finally, American. Fighting against tremendous Japanese, French, and then, odds, Ho and his comrades have set an example which has inspired millions of oppressed people throughout the world.

But Ho Chi Minh was a nationalist, not a socialist. He struggled to make Vietnam free from imperialism, not from wage-slavery. He strived to unify all classes into a coalition, a political collaboration unity with unat feudal prince permits fruitful from owning and controlling the means of production at home in North Vietnam.

In the Nineteen-twenties and thirties, Ho Chi the bourgeoisie for the administration of its Minh accepted Stalin's policies on Far Eastern matters. Like the ill-fated Chinese communists of 1927, who supported Chang Kai Shek right up to the moment he slaughtered them in their thousands, Ho Chi Minh also believed that it was necessary bourgeoisie. thought the fight against imperialism ought to to have unity with the local Revolutionary socialists who be inextricably linked to the fight for socialism were, according to Ho Chi Minh, "pro-fascist Chi Minh subsequently changed his position.

But that is not true. In September 1943 workers and peasants seized Saigon and, when they attempted to take the first steps towards socialism, were ruthlessly suppressed by Ho Chi against Trotskyists and trade unionists alike. Minh's supporters. A terror was unleased Throughout his life, Ho Chi Minh remained workers to control their own destiny. When the Czech proletariat crushed under the weight of Russian tanks, Ho was among the first to send The Black Dwarf can carry a portrait of Ho from one of his speeches - "The best way to help Vietnam is to make the revolution in your own country." Yet, surely, this was precisely what workers in the spring of 1968 were trying to do in Prague - making a revolution.

Instead of eulogising him, The Black Dwarf should have portraited Ho Chi Minh warts and all. Alongside his magnificent struggle against imperialism, it should have shown him to be, in many respects, like Joseph Stalin - capable of leading a nationalist struggle, incapable of leading a socialist one. It is important to remember that "only the truth is revolutionary, idolatry tends to be two cases in reactionary.

Yours fraternally, Raymond Challinor, International Socialism, Wigan.

At about 11.30 p.m. (Saturday 23.8.69)

Gower Street North, not far from No. 219 where he lives in a tenement house fellow-Pakistanis, he was assaulted by thre young, white racists. He ran to his door knocked and was let in, one of his pursuers getting in just behind him. The door was then closed against the other two, who continued to knock and tried to burst the door (there is still a large hole in the panelling). Someone outside rang for the police, who on arrival took the three attackers away, but have so far made no charge. The next day (Sunday) the Pakistanis in No.

219 became anxious at seeing people walking are up and down outside the house and informed the police at Albany Street Station.

About 10.0 p.m. a petrol bomb was thrown our factional disputes we persist in losing sight at the house from a passing car. It fortunately hit the brickwork at the side of a window the (There was, fortunately, no serious effects trom Attacks against this house Street North have been made at least four times in the past three years including window smashing and on one occasion the landlord, who is a Pakistani, was seriously The following week on Bank Holiday 1.9.69, Alom was on his way trom Caledonian Road to see a friend living at Levita House, Chalton Street, N.W.1. As he entered Chalton Street a group of a dozen youths asked him for cigarettes and then money and then attacked him. He managed to reach his friend's flat. They then both went out and asked bystanders outside the betting shop in Chalton Street if any of them had witnessed the assault As a result they were attacked by three men, knocked down and Mr. Alom had his arm Dear Friend, College Hospital. No arrest has been made to broken. He is at present still in University date. About a year ago it was decided to organis street patrols of both natives ("whites immigrants ("blacks") to try to prevent what in the police had for three years found themselves La week or two an two thugs on a Pakistani assaulted man instead of then running away followed his attackers, saw our street patrol ahead and called out to them. They chased the robbers and caught one of them (the one with over to the police. The latter were quite unable pressure NOW! Therefore a committee has been the money and the rent book, unfortunately, to cancel the tour, escaped). The captured robber was then handed to find the other robber, in spite of being in possession of his colleague and when this man was brought to trial he was acquitted for lack of evidence! The case taught us all a lesson about police The Black Dwarf appears to imply that Ho "impartiality" or "efficiency" (why should we assume that the Metropolitan Police are different from the R.U.C.?) Where black or techniques seem to be the same as the R.U.C.'s immigrants concerned the to Catholics). However, this was very shortly followed by another case that drew more attention.

In the same area a crowd of youths taunted consistent in his opposition to the efforts of a black school teacher passing by, leading to a minor street fight as a result of which the police arrested three of the white youths who had caused the disturbance and simultaneously two Pakistanis who had come out to see wnat was This led to a trial at the Old Bailey carefully prepared and the case well publicised.

The police having no evidence whatever against the accused Pakistanis, the judge deemed it prudent to arrange a deal out of Court with the two counsel as a result of which all five accused men pleaded guilty to possessing offensive weapons (in the case of one of the Pakistanis this was a spoon with which he had been eating his dinner, and a charge of causing an affray was withdrawn against all five, who were then discharged to be of good behaviour. (The five then shook hands on it!)

In the period immediately following these provide names for a national petition. 1968, police street patrols suddenly increased remarkably in Euston, and for several months there were no attacks.

The throwing of a petrol bomb if it had been by a demonstrator on behalf of Vietnam or the Catholics of Northern Ireland, would have been front page headline news and would have led to a heavy prison sentence. The throwing of a petrol bomb at a house full of Pakistanis did not rate a single line in any paper, and no arrest has yet been made.

On the other hand a Pakistani worker is attacked in the street and this is followed by Pakistanis living in the same house being threatened with charges which no one in his senses will believe would have been made at all we WHOL consequence of the street assault. say invented) except as a investigation, not by the Metropolitan Police or We feel it is necessary to call for an anyone responsible for them over the past three years, into the situation of the Pakistanis living later date.

in Camden and the conduct of the Metropolitan Police in not merely failing in their duty to protect citizens but quite clearly showing that No robbery with violence is not considered an Camden so long as it is committed offence by police within the Borough on Pakistanis. Finally, we appeal to our fellow workers in overwhelming majority must feel shame that Camden. We are confident that the Street hospitals (where it is not only doctors who are often Pakistanis). Workers of Camden, we appeal to you for help and protection! Help us to fight racialist huggery, together with its caus opies of this statement are being sent t the press, to the Race Relations Board, to the Home Office, to the National Committee for Civil Liberties, to the Movement for Colonial Freedom and to a number of M.P.'s.

Ishaque, Chairman, Pakistani Workers' Union, Alex Hart, Chairman, Working People's Party of England Paul Noone, Secretary, Working People's Party of England.

As you already know, the M.C.C. is at the moment continuing with its pig-headed attitude and is allowing the invitation to the South African cricket team, to tour here in 1970, to tried oprine M.C.C., bet so far all seem to bee but so far all seem to ha failed. But we are sure that they are worried.

he Wilfred Isaac's XI played their last tw natches against the M.C.( at the Bank of England's private grounds, which were guarded to try to prevent the games being disturbed But the last game was stopped, in spite of this for over half an hour by ten demonstrators.

We really feel that to try to get the M.C.C.

we must try to exert formed whose job is solely to attempt to prevent the tour coming and, if the tour comes, to co-ordinate any further activity necessary To do this, publicity to the public and within organisations must be increased. People have not realised the importance of sport to th South African culture and the effect tha isolation in international sport would have upon the white racist South Africans the public and the sportsmen. Also, it must be -nOT stressed that apartheid is as savage in th sporting field as in every aspect of life in tha country. Enclosed is a copy of a document by SAN-ROC which considers the case of cricket in detail. How can we increase the pressure on the M.C.C.? This can be done in a number of ways, all of which should be tried if possible.

1) Each organisation must come out with a declaration condemning the attitude of the M.C.C. and demanding the withdrawal of the invitation to the South African cricket team to tour here in 1970.

If such a declaration can be sent to us by Monday, September 8th, it would be very helpful, as a press conference is planned at about this time to launch a printed broadsheet on sport and apartheid ) That each organisation must try t collect names from the public in a prominent spot, e.g. The High Street, etc., for a petition demanding the withdrawal of the invitation to the South African team. This will provide publicity, and it will Petition forms will be sent on request. 3) A pledge is also being prepared which says: "We, the undersigned, promise to take part in any action necessary to prevent any of the South African cricket matches being played if their team tours England in 1970.

This could have a great effect and it is suggested that the pledge forms be pushed within the organisation and to friends.

4) A demonstration is being planned for the Rugby International between South Africa and England at Twickenham, on December 20th.

More information will be sent later.

) A printed broadsheet is being prepare n Sport and Apartheid which will cost 5s fo 25, iOs for 50, including postage. They are printed to be sold at sixpence each. Do buy these for they give a good basic coverage.

6) Posters and stickers will be available at a received. All types of individual action to 7) Any other ideas will be gratefully further the cause must be encouraged.

We desperately need help, both voluntary of and financial. All enquiries and donations should be sent to the address printed below.

Hugh Geach (Secretary)

STOP THE SEVENTY TOUR. 21a, Gwendolen Avenue, London, S.W.15. Tel: 789 5370 magazine

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of capitalism and the final defeat of world large black burn is still there. Fire brigade we will never, repeat never, police and an ambulance arrived very quickly.

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