have been very adequate guarantees that there is widespread lawyers would have taken a cautious view of the rights and wrongs of the case. But if this is true, the problem of how it could be explained to the workpeople remained an intractable one.
District Committee and in the local offices of The Action Committee was bound to play some the unions concerned, have, in this courageous of its cards close to its chest. What was needed was a succession of briefing discussions, in the shops, preferably in working time, during which the basic difficulties could be discussed. Also Control, we can say without doubt that very much needed was some form of Action and hroughout the whole country, and into every answering queries as well as publishing letter From workpeople. One issue of such a new A body like the Institute, which exists to sheet did in fact appear, but obviously it was The fact remains, that the "non-occupation" actions should be far from being a setback to the Workers' above all for trade unions, which are directly struggle against redundancy, has been a major implicated. Indeed, in this case, we feel that event. It has aroused and stimulated the imagination of workers all over the country. It has opened up a nation-wide discussion. And it is only a beginning, even on the Merseyside itself. If this great gain in understanding of the question of Workers' Control has come out of he first Phase of the Merseyside struggle, it is vital that Phase 2 should swing into operation immediately. This requires action at every level Labour Movement, and by many agencies.
The shop stewards will surely pursue the question of establishing standing democratic machinery for the whole GEC Combine, and a bargaining policy directed at the Combine, particularly manpower planning, industrial development and investment, plant utilisation, etc. To make SUCH policy effective, advances Workers Control are essential. First, that the inspection by the veto redundancy. These powers could be similar t those possessed by the dockers, in whos industry the employers literally do not have the power to hire and fire.
The trade unions should respond to the side lead by taking steps similar to those followed the Fords strike earlier this year; namely to construct a bargaining machine which refers all negotiations back to the shop floor for final approval.
How much do you Where do you get the money to pay him?
Three Well - I own the machines? the machines!
LE TH The militants in the Labour Party, and the union movement generally, should raise the demand for the immediate accountability of the GEC Combine (and companies) to its workers, so that the whole issue of workers rights in relation to mergers, rationalisation, and redundancy, is placed high on the agenda of the Labour Party Conference, and in all subsequent policy-making The I.W.C. and indeed all agencies within the labour movement with a research or publicity function should pursue the enquiry, already begun, into (a) the Weinstock arguments for rauonansation, and the socialist workers controlled alternatives, (b) the techniques of occupation, sit-ins, etc., and (c) the forms of Who makes the shoes?
I sell He does!
shoes!
And who made those shoes?
I sold shoes and bought them! WE DEMAND АСТЮЛ COMMITTE OUT
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on outside solidarity. There can be no doubt at all that this would have been forthcoming. Money would have poured into the Merseyside: and the popular support they called up would
pounds a day! How did you get
VOIC * THE WORKERCO