IMGpapers 1968–75

Newspapers of the International Marxist Group and its forerunners, 1968–75

TABLE

Black Dwarf Vol. 14, No. 22, 16 September 1969 · pp. 3-5 of the scan · 3,702 words

The scan: v14n22-sep-16-1969.pdf (PDF, Marxists Internet Archive, opens at this page)

Uncorrected machine reading. This text was read by machine (Apple Vision OCR) from a scan of a newspaper page, and the page was cut into articles by machine, at the headlines found by their type size. Nothing has been corrected: expect misread words, text from a neighbouring article, and titles that are the machine reading of the headline, some of them only fragments. Quote from the scan, not from this page.
How this article was cut and titled: headline found by type size in the OCR geometry (split_tabloid.py); 3-3 of 4; machine-segmented newspaper page; uncorrected Vision OCR.

page 3 of the scan

WEDGES than your poster, to leave room for the ink. Thus most of our screens are 3' square, 1. Get 4, pieces of wood of about 3'x 2'x 2" and 4 angle brackets (ironmongers stock them). 2. Silk is too dear. Our screens are stretched with terylene, as sold for curtains, of the finest mesh available. It is strong and cheap, at about 9/- a yard. Buy a piece at least 6" all round larger than your screen. Nylon, or Organdie (not strong), can also be used. 3. Stretch in the same way as an artist's canvass. The easiest way to attach it to the screen is with a staple-gun, but tacks or nails can also be used. 4. Attach 2 hinges to one of the short ends of the screen in such a way that they fit the hinge spaces on the block of wood on the table or which the screen should be attached, Squeegees: we buy them from the shops below. (see end).

Stencil knives are also sold, but we find cheaper ones such as Swan Morton craft tools or scalpels.

Papers: the best way to get this is to use your wits. Commercially it costs about £6 per cwt. Ink: We get it from various shops. It must be thinned with white spirit, by 20 to 50% of its volume depending on the absorbancy of the paper. It must not run when you hang the . prints to dry. Start with the ink too thick, if anything; you can always thin it later. Table: this must be larger than your screens and solid. To one of the narrower ends of the table attach a block of wood of the same height as your screens. Into this set nails to take the hinges on the screens.

Drying racks: you can buy fancy expensive ones, but why incur unnecessary expenses? The easiest way is to hang prints in pairs, back to back, from a washing line with clothes pegs. We also have long struts of wood arranged parallel to each other on a framework. Nails at appropriate intervals along the struts hold the posters in pairs as before. The lines or struts need only be a few inches apart.

HINGE

+ BLOCK WEDGE TABLE SCREEN STRETCHED ROUND FRAME STENCILS Paper stencils are the best to start with 1. Cut your design onto tracing or detail paper 2. Put it right way up onto the table and the screen on top of it. 3. Paint little blobs of fast drying filler or glue onto those parts of the stencil which should block the screen. 4. Turn the screen over; the stencil is thus lifted onto the screen. Any parts of your design, or letters, which are loose can then be

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DWARF Dear Comrades, Once communists openly called themselves communists. In his 1888 Preface to the English Edition of the COMMUNIST Manifesto, Engels explained that socialism was not a fighting word: "Socialism was "respectable; Communism was the very opposite. •.. there could be no doubt as to which of the two names we must take" . Is the spectre of the word communism no longer to haunt Europe? Marxism is communism. We are marxists, so why call ourselves socialists? Just as the Owenites and Fourierists in the nineteenth century took the name socialist, so modern bourgeois social-democracy sometimes uses the O.K. call . ourselves REVOLUTIONARY socialists; but communism says it all in a single word — it IS revolutionary. The marxist movement has been betrayed and discredited by the mystifications and distortions of the stalinist C.P.'s; but surely one of our most important and immediate tasks is to reveal and explain these crimes; calling ourselves other names seems to me to be an avoidance of what is, in part, our own legacy. Our aim as marxists is to bring about socialism, but this is only the first phase of the new order. Our revolution will achieve socialism, but this is not the end; socialism is only a transition stage the historical MOVCHECHE which will inevitably lead to the higher stage of COUSIN (this dictatorship (of the proletariat) itself only constitutes the transition to the abolition of all classes and to a classless society" remember!). Only this can bring about what is our aim - the liberation of mankind from the alienations and contradictions of bourgeois society. Fraternally yours, Nigel Brown, 44 The Deansway, Greenhill, Kidderminster, Worcs.

SPANISH COMRADES Comrade, I am writing to inform you of the formation of the SPANISH WORKERS DEFENCE COMMITTEE. The Committee aims are to provide information about the struggle of the ›panish people against the Franco dictatorshij and to assist the families of those imprisoned or on strike.

Twenty four years after the fall of Franco's allies, Hitler and Mussolini, the Franco dictatorship remains in power. Hundreds of people are imprisoned- without trial, trade unions are illegal, civil liberties are non-existent. There is a rigid censorship of the press, prohibition of meetings and a ruthless police terror.

The Spanish people have suffered terribly in their fight for socialism and democracy, but they have not been crushed. The labour movement in this country has a duty to support their struggle.

We appeal to all readers of the BLACK DWARF to support our efforts. They could help by asking their trade union to affiliate to the Committee, to send a donation, and to invite a speaker to their trade union branch. The affiliation fee is 10s. for individuals and £2 for organizations.

Yours fraternally, The Secretary, Spanish Workers Defence Committee, 314 King Street, London W.6.

PORTUGUESE FASCISM Eduardo Cruzeiro, graduate of the Lisbon School of Fine Art, did his military service in Guine-Bissau. He was corporal in charge of the Commando Instruction Centre and took advantage of his leave to desert. In agreement.

principles Portuguese anti-fascist and anti-colonialist organisations, Eduardo Cruzeiro deserted in order not to take part in the war of repression and extermination of the people of the so-called "Portuguese" Guine.

Lead to Spain by his militant activity, Eduardo Cruzeiro was arrested and imprisoned by Franco's police on August 19th 1968. Tried by the fascist Spanish courts, he was condemned to 18 months in closed prison, for using a false identity and carrying arms illegally. In December 1968 the Portuguese Government presented a plea for extradition to the Spanish Government on the grounds that Eduardo Cruseiro was a military deserter. On the 9th April, 1969 the Madrid High Court accepted to deliver Eduardo Cruzeiro SLO the fascist Portuguese authorities. According to the existing fascist laws in Portugal Eduardo Cruzeiro risks the DEATH PENALTY for desertion.

This is not only a matter of concession to a demand for extradition of a political militant. It is also a decision by which Franco's Gov., which was unwillingly forced to recognise the right so-called "Spanish" Guine to independence and which has just signed a treaty with Morroco concerning the decolonisation if Ifni territorv. once more gives its sunport to the Portuguese army, an army which is continuing a colonial which has already been condemned several times by the Security Council of the General Assembly of the United Nations.

The decision of the Madrid High Court constitutes a grave precedent; if such decisions were taken by other European Governments, it would put the life of thousands of young Portuguese in danger. It must nut be forgotten that in the course of the single year 1967, 1200 young Portuguese did not present themselves to the draft board.

The assasins of General Humberto Delgado and student Daniel Teixeira must not be able to exercise their vengance and their violence on person of Eduardo Cruzeiro. Daniel Teixeira was already, in last October the fourth Victim "new. Portuguese regime. Liberalisation follows its course.

London, May 1969 PORTUGUESE STUDENTS COMMITTEE 45 Fairland House*BR2 9JJ *Bromley Kent WOMEN'S LIBERATION Dear Comrade.

Your report of the Goldsmiths' "free" festival notes that the disrupting participation of the Women's Liberation Workshop was greeted with "a barrage of lewd sarcasm" from male TACT BEE of the audience. Your reporter comments: "In view of this, it is not surprising that some women's groups aim solely at women".

This comment would seem to reveal some ignorance of past and present revolutionary groups. Even if capitalists were condescendingly sympathetic to the workers' struggle, it still would not be - and should not be surprising that workers' groups appeal only to workers. Likewise, no one is surprised when Black Power groups are not only unenthusiastic, but actively antipathetic to proselytising among the "lash me, lash me for I am white" liberals. This attitude stems neither from plain uncharitableness nor from strategic ineptitudé; rather, it is a correct response to the simple fact that some struggles must be waged alone by some groups of people and not others. However sympathetic those others may be, they must, because of their structural position, remain bystanders. This is quite aside from doubts about the relationship of sympathetic professions of support to actual practice It is no more than ignorant petulance to complain "this (aiming solely at women - TP)

enough. The liberation of women demands the equal liberation of men". Marx always maintained that the capitalist as well as the worker is alienated; from which no one, to my knowledge, has deduced that there is needed a united worker-capitalist front against alienation. Similarly, it is true that men alienate themselves when, for example, they treat women as sexual objects only and encourage women so to treat themsleves. Though, in the last analysis, they are oppressing themselves, they are nonetheless initiating and perpetuating the oppression. The "compensating advantages of this self-alienating oppression are sufficiently clear in both cases not to need labouring, though one might add that capitalists and men should be grateful to workers and women for revealing their own situation in the world to them.

Even if the above analogy does not hold, the Women's movement is rightly suspicious of all radical men, however sycophantic they may seem. For, whatever their verbal professions, they are quite likely themselves to be perpetuating needless systems of oppression behind chintzy-chintzy North Oxford or Hampstead. (And Che Guevara on the walls may mystify the social reality within those walls as much as Che's picture does the Olivetti advertisements).

For your reporter to write "It cannot deny men's existence and simply reverse existing social values" is to add insult to ignorance. I do HOE know that the Women's Liberation Workshop has anywhere stated such a policy, nor have any of them crossed their legs against their lovers, to my limited knowledge. Though some women will no doubt come to the women's movement, as to any other, for reasons strictly reducible to half or sub-conscious psychological drives - though even then such drives are quite likely to be a perverse expression of the social position of women that entails no consequences as to the objective policy and role of women's liberation.

As far as I can judge, such a role is not counter-revolutionary. movement not because some watery principle that everyone should do their own thing, but because such a movement seems of necessity to have revolutionary implications. Those have no political sense who think women's liberation a political or worse, simply because its proponents do not base themselve exclusively upon Englels, F - The Origins of the Family....(nor even the "creative development" thereof or merge themselves behind the manly struggles of RSSF Yours fraternally, Trevor Paterman. - 154, Barnsbury Rd, N.I.

WHAT'S IN A NAME On behalf of DUREX (Dulwich Underground term (begins in September).

However we would like to say that firstly you did not mention that several smoke bombs were let off on Founders Day, and the word ANARCHY was painted in several prominent places within the school buildings. • Secondly you are wrong about a subversive magazine being suppressed, about 2 months ago we started a paper called VOICE which is still very much alive and has received much support. Our first issue was free (4 pages, 250 copies) and interest was shown throughout the school. The second issue was published a few weeks ago and although we are having difficulties with finance enclose a copy.

We will keep in touch with you about our activities at Dulwich College and we hope you will continue to give us your most welcome, support.

Love from DUREX 5 Ardbeg Road, Herne Hill, London SE24.

ILFORD SQUATTERS Dear Comrades, John Weal (Black Dwarf 20) rightly pointed out that "the British left has almost without exception refused any organisational support to the Ilford squatters", but he wrongly described the Freedom Press as being "very late on the scene". Members of the Freedom Press were among the many anarchists involved in the planning of the campaign, Freedom has reported every stage in the campaign since the first demonstration last December, a special squatters broadsheet was printed by the Freedom Press and published with Freedom on December 14 - in fact I would suggest that the Freedom Press has given more support in tether than the East London Libertarian Group other than the East London Libertarian ( itself. Remember that it is a small organisation whose main function for 83 years has been to produce literature rather than to take part in activity; nevertheless its record in the squatters campaign cannot be faulted.

Incidentally, A. J. Dunn (Black Dwarf 16) described Gramsci as "perhaps the supreme example of the militant worker/intellectual" He was certainly an intellectual, and he played a militant part in the Italian labour movement, but he was never a worker. Like most socialist thinkers, he trom a petit-bourgeois family, and he went straight from school and university into full-time-political agitation and journalism and a Fascist jail.

Nicolas Walter, 4 Vane Close, Harrow. John Weal replies:

Never has the entire left (SLL and Maoists apart) been more united than in their various attacks on my article on the Squatters in B.D. 19. It now appears obvious that in fact the groups did put in some work in Ilford and the only real questions ar: How much? and How effective was it? Collecting facts from militants either about themselves or about the activities of other militants has been shown to be an almost useless pastime and more than anything else, the article and the replies have pointed to this inability of groups or activists to evaluate each other's roles in some particular struggle So though I checked out the facts' of the matter with as many squatters as I could, it is obviously necessary also to check them again with the various groups and tendencies. It now seems that the squatters were very anxious to guard what they felt was their thing from any outside encroachment. Yet at the same time they criticised the political groups for not helping them enough, thus succeeding both discrediting the organisations and making out they were in the thick of the struggle all by themselves. When self proclaimed Anarchists tell me that Freedom has done almost nothing, I tended to believe them. As for the Communist Party, I owe it an apology for not being aware of the hatred felt towards it by so many of the squatters. The membership figure in Redbridge is another matter. The C.P. claims 30,000 members in Britain, so 2000 in Redbridge seemed credible enough. The fact that the vast majority of those 30,000 are almost totally inactive and shouldn't even be in what claims to be a revolutionary organisation seemed to me to be consistent with the partys relative inactivity in Ilford on the basis of 2000 members which I now realise was a misleading figure.

AN OLD SKINHEAD Dear Brother, As a pin-head (and onetime skinhead) will you allow me to answer the diatribe against my kin by brother Hoyland? (B.D. Aug. 30th) He, with others in the violin stage of their growth, take unto their breasts all the virtues pertaining to the social revolts now taking place in the British Isles and elsewhere.

They assume (and wear) laurels they didn't even run for - We want them to join in the race.

Sure we distruct and envy, (and despise) the mommies boys who play around with demos and easy girl friends.

Distrust because they are the sons of 2½d clerks, shopwalkers, money lenders, parsons doctors and others who helped break the 1926 I note also that in the same issue of 30th Aug you run a story on strike-breaking at Punfield and Barstows in North London. 4 of the strike breakers? Students! It would appear that our distrust of the long haired ones is not misplaced. Or are they just acting out Daddies student days of 1926? One of them has the excuse "I needed the bread" - Did he need it as much as the man on the picket line with 5 kids to keep? Today students are tomorrows bosses - or will they join us down the mines? On the building sites? In the foundries? On a trawler to the Artic? The Dole maybe? The low class pubs? Perhaps even on the barricades? and printing, we managed to make VOICE 2 Won't you intellectual snobs realise that we are larger and of a higher standard than VOICE 1.I the revolution? That you must come down to us to join in? We can be the storm troops of the national front - or the guard dogs of a workers democracy - Choose This has all happened before you know. Mosley came down to the workers and was accepted. I you allow Jordan to do the same, by Virtue o the snotty attitude you now take, and h succeeds where Mosley failed, the blame will b with the Hoylands and the Hippies and the difficult prose of our own "Black Dwarf' You know it's hard for a working lad to take in the contents of a paper which seems to be written solely for the perusal of a professor of English?

On a personal note of Distrust. Your own staff promised to run off a pamphlet for me. After waiting 3 weeks for this I receive the copy back with instructions to get it printed elsewhere. My admiration for what I thought was your involvement with us has nearly evaporated. Can we really trust any of you?

If that pamphlet had been printed a lot of houses would still be inhabited in Derry and Belfast today instead of being burnt out shells as they now are. A platoon of well trained "skinheads" were ready and rearing to go to Belfast and Derry it funds had been made available from the sale of the particular pamphlet mentioned. All ex-soldiers. All well versed in street and guerilla warfare. Would it not have been a nice change for the Paisley murder gangs and the "B" specials to meet men better trained than they were themselves instead of bare headed kids armed with stones? Men more determined, more dedicated, more disciplined and much more ruthless? What a change it would have been to see the funerals of "B" specials instead of 9 year old kiddies and old men We have 7 murderers on the loose in Ulster today. "B" specials and R.U.C. Why don't you run a campaign to bring these animals into the dock? Or are you, in your intellectual fastnesses more concerned with the poor yob P.C. Pulley? This last poor get, got orders from on high to do what he did. Give him a rest eh? or get after his gaffers - or are you frightened of them? In closing I repeat that you are preaching to the converted as the B.D. is today. You must simplify it so that I don't have to explain every other paragraph to my mates. Or are you just kidding about to fill in time before you are all taken up by the B.B.C.?

The above constitutes the viewpoints of the inarticulate. A reaction from a class which Hoyland condemns. They were gathere together from the various people to whom had supplied a B.D. I've tried to write them in the way in which they were given to me - with with anger and resentment.

I wish to be constructive however, having founc in my too many years of class warfare that ou ends are always defeated from within Criticise and one makes enemies, praise and one gains receptive ears am as one with the skinheads. I know how they can be organised to be the strong right arm of our movement and to accept hippies and Hoylands as men with the same ends in view. They want goals not jails. Will anybody in the area of Southport reading this letter get in touch with me so that we can provide these The Timid I reasure. ALL that 1 want from the students and the hippies is oganizational ability in the first instance later a cementing together of groups, to form a cohesive force for various form of constructive "trouble making" in this comparitively "trouble free" area. I am hopeful, for in 1967 when I held a demo ere in support of the Vietnamese people heir war of liberation against the U.S.A. Tha only one follower - my daughter (plus half the local fuzz).

In November 1968 when a similar protest was made Remembrance Sunday was supported by 12 stalwarts and this time was chaperoned by all the local fuzz.

In Feb. 1969 another protest at a cenotaph wreath laying by Lord Lonsdale. This time I led a sizeable force of 22, and was attended by all the local fuzz plus a contingent from the Liverpool force I mention the above to bring home a point. All my supporters were skinheads not one student or hippie or intellectual.

If any had supported us the nucleus of a politically active body would have been formed, for we need the brains intellectuals and cannot advance without them. 1 plead therefore for whole-hearted support and trust from all vou clever people for we the oafs

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I WENT INTO *TEACHING AS THOPED TO ENLIGHTEN YOUNG MINDS NOT YET CRYSTALIZED FOR EXAMPLE, THE INEQUITIES OF A CAPITALIST SYSTEM IN THE

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1.PBOLTS PUEGEET

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