In Ireland, 1968 it is the police who have to build the barricades. At a crowded meeting in an Islington pub on 30, local Irish workers and English mis launched an Rights urity Campaign in the area. Apart from an who claimed housing em Ireland was better than in England -und vou, that anyone at the meeting t that housing in England, least of all in n, was anytning to write home about -ceting was united in its determination to outical campaign of support for the rights The main movement nuco around wnat to do next - a -air meetings in shopping and selling broadsheets in socials, the local organisation and plan local activities. And the Campaign is now beihg taken to other big cities in England and Scotland, while plans are underway for a massive national demonstration on the anniversary of the first major civil rights clash at Derry, October 5.
The initiative for the Campaign came from the International Socialists, (whose local branches have done most of the work in setting up the Campaign in London), and from Irish socialists in the London branch of the People's Democracy. It is at present run by a steering committee consisting of IS, PD, and Irish militants, with the RSSF, which pledged support for all socialist solidarity action at its Manchester conference in March and has produced a special paper on the struggle there, ber of functioning branches, and to ice representing the branches › 211 Inose | regardless o1 ands of the MP's, the solidarity campaign is based on taking the civil rights cause straight to the Irish working class and the rank-and-file of the Labour movement in this country. These are the only genuine allies in Britain for any Irish workers' movement. Only their action could ever provide the really effective support here which the Irish civil rights movement badly needs.
It is here, of course, that the difference between Bernadette Devlin and the so-called Labour "Lefts" shows itself: Bernadette uses her position to make an extra-parliamentary proach to the workin class, while the Lefts" confine themselves to such antics as a possible within the Westminster gas-house it program does This ve expe ly socialist programme. This, of course, something that the sectarians have already pounced upon. But the ICRSC programme is not "an opportunist sell-out". British socialists have a duty to support the fight of the Irish workers and students against oppression and discrimination. We do not have the right to say, "We will only support you if your demands are socialist". British imperialism has been dictatin to the Irish for long enough, and Britis socialists should not put themselves in that tradition. Support first, then cirticism: that is the right order. The campaign is being built on a basis of support for the civil rights movement, although within the campaign socialists must, and do, advance their own position In fact, the Civil Rights movement in Northern Ireland itself is increasingly faced with long-term political choices. It is clear that COVER PICTURE: Viciously armed with a loaded book the student is deliberately demonstrating in Milan in solidarity with the people of Battipaglia. Notice the way he has seized one of the policemen by the hands, and the heroie efforts of the other special police - or Martians as they are called - to rescue their colleague.
The Martians, as well as the ordinary police, the Caribinieri, were driven out of Chichester-Clark 1s no more capable than O'Neill was of granting in full even the "equal votes" demand - let alone the demands for jobs and homes (which could only be met with massive extra UK subsidiaries which, of course, Wilson cannot afford to supply). It has become clear, too, that the right-wing of the civil rights will compromise even on such minimal demands rather than face the revolutionary implications of this fact. The left must therefore realise that the only way out, the only way of avoiding continual defeats, is to mobilise the Irish working class, North and South, behind a socialist programme. It must see, too, that to do this, to make the slogan for the workers republic meaningful, it is necessary to create an all-Trish revolutionary party.
The amnesty has now ended and the civil rights movement is back on the streets, as the march of 5,000 Strabane (male unemployment rate 24% has shown. It is preparing for battles which lie ahead against th monist Government, with its Special Powe Act, its Royal Ulster Constabulary. its B-Specials, and the extreme Paisleyites. As this crunch approaches, it is essential to be in a position to be able to organise solidarity policies to guide the Irish movement. These need to be expressed through a revolutionary organisation in Ireland, but British socialists can influence their development through the solidarity movement. And at the same time, by building the Solidarity Campaign, we can bring thousands of Irish and British workers in this country towards revolutionary socialism.
Martin Shaw important rail junction, the Martians were called in, had to fight their way off the autostrada. They failed to dislodge the demonstrators and tries to smash thei way through the town. Finally in a last desperate attempt to gain control they opened fire on some demonstrators. The "Assassins Went Wp. and the dartians and Caribinieri alike were booted out, fleeing acorss the fields, or in police vans whose tyres had been slashed.
writing exclusively for The Black Dwarf on Royal Television. Here he reviews Lloyd George knew her Father Back to 1953 and the post coronation blues. The revolutionary left still does not know what is The poetic response to the investiture shows that me must stato hothe ling class wiika.
pathetic response to the investiture shows that we must start out on the ABC of political power in Britain.
From the anarchists to the Morning Star everybody capitulated to the dull boring and damentally wrong position on the Monarchy. The old porridge of liberalism, utilitarianism, and momism that characterises the British left was served up as usual, and as usual it was last week's Covers. The liberalism a shocking waste; the utilitarianism, "better spent on on...; and the mise 'its irrelevant". Those were the comments that we had from Marxists, and however pod their reading might be one thing is clear: they don't know how to think about England.
The fact is that the investiture was not irrelevant. It was a part of an extremely powerful vapon of social and political integration. A sharp edged weapon of the counter revolution better han many thousand cannisters of napalm. The real power of capitalism is its control over the elations of production. But that control is exercised out of the factory as well as inside it. It is olitical as well as economic, and it is social and ideological as well as political. The Monarchy is a adamental part of the ideological structures which dominate us in this country; dominate revolutionaries as well as middle class nannies and mystified ex-servicemen.
The monarchy, and the periodic celebrations of it, are the keystone to a system of rank and berarchy which includes the Lords, Judges medals and degrees. This system of imposed social difference exaggerates a form of class consciousness, and at the same time displaces it from the cal relations of power. The more this social difference appears arbitrary the more effective its distortion. But of course if it becomes completely arbitrary and anachronistic it will fail to gain ay credibility. Thus the royal family (since when was royalty, that great concept of lineage, :
mily ?) is made to appear human so that an investiture can be plausible. False consciousness i not a pain in the head, which is only a symptom, it is systematically created by a propaganda machinery which we have to understand.
An indication that the monarchy is in fact a modern weapon of distortion and not an antiquated relic: the investiture was founded in Wales by Lloyd George in 1911. It is no miracle that the so called royal family can adapt itself to the modern media with such ease. It is a modern institution, clothed in medieval junk.
The irrelevancy of the Monarchy is exactly what is relevant about it, because it is one of its main strengths. After all if it is irrelevant, why get angry about it. The crazy absurdity of it leaves comrades speechless and unable to smash the nauseous petty bourgeois. The adulation exagerated form of class power that an investiture represents cannot be attacked until its relationship with the ruling class is understood. The Queen is rich, but she doesn't own Fords, and so our critics of capitalism get back to the daily struggle. And in one sense they are right. Opposition to the monarch on the terms of the bourgeoisie, blowing up Charles, attacking the Queen in person, only has a limiting effect in boosting morale. What we must grasp is the effect of the whole system of згно гак wmen lays a smokescreen between us and the real relations or power.
Nonsense! All too elaborate! Intellectualism! The response of the bovine left can be heard before the argument has even begun. How can we insist that because false consciousness may be talse, that doesn't alter the fact that it exists, that it takes specific forms, and that its counter revolutionary effects are very great? How can we demand that revolutionaries get it into their heads that the ruling class have at their command simple if sophisticated weapons which they use successfully but which cannot be smashed until they are understood. Proletarian fighters must see that the monarchy is an integral part of the political power exercised over workers in the factory.
Fortunately, there is a respected political journal within the poverty striken world of our home grown economism and that is of course The Economist. Like the Dwarf, it too is afraid that its readers will capitulate to economism and measure the success of the investitute by vulgar and petty means such as the increase in the rate of Welsh Tourism - as if anyone cares about Wales in all this. In its editorial on the investiture The Economist cautioned its readers:
'Some people say that the pageantry involved the expenditure of too much money on a matter of too little importance. They are quite mistaken ... behind the emblazoned scenes, these great parades of royalty play an important part in Britain's sane system of government, although without most people realising why.
ROYAL WARRANT
The Vietnam Medal ELIZABETH R.
ELIZABETH THE SECOND, by the Grace of God of the United Kingdom. New Zealand and Her other Realms and Territories Queen, Commonwealth, Defender of the Faith. To all to whom these come.
GREETING:
WHEREAS We have given consideration to the need for recognition of the service of members of the New Zealand Armed Forces and by duly accredited members of approved philanthropic organisations serving with thes forces of the Ri repel aggression AND WHEREAS We recognising this service to Our Rea New Zealand:
We do by these present for Us, Ou and Successors institute and cara Medal. 1. The Medal shall be designa styled The Vietnam Medal 2. The Medal shall be of sil Head of the circular in shape bearing on the Our Royal Effigy Crowned, and. Presents shall reverse, the word "Vietnam" above a symbolic representation ideological war in Vietnam depicti figure of man in the centre of the Meda standing between spherical shapes. 3. The Medal shall be worn on the lef breast suspended by a yellow ribbon 1% ins. long.
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the IMG and other groups attached to it. The im is to hold a conference as soon as there are
• I'M THE ONLY THINKS POLITICIAN IN THE NERVE ENGLAND MEDALS FOR WITtAND VIETNAM