uglas Gill Before 1918 there had been two small police strikes - the first in 1872 - but though some improvements in conditions had resulted. on both occasions the authorities were able to victimise the strike leaders. Neither strike involved any attempt to form a police trade union.
not made until 1913, The immediate pre-war years saw an unprecedented eruption of labour unrest, striking terror into the *ruling class. In three years trade union membership almost doubled.
were previousty totally unorganised. Strike figures reached record levels. At the some time, increasing numbers of workers were attracted to revolutionary socialist doctrines.
police, but recritment was soon extended to the provinces, and -January 1914 saw i change of name to the National Union of Police and Prison Officers. The official reaction to police trade unionism was totally hostile. peared a real danger. Branch activities and recruitment were therefore carried out in secret, and a national committee was chosen whose members were not servine policemen.
By 1917 the union's milling demands, voiced in its monthly magazine, had attracted a met an internal leadership dispute ed to Syme's removal from control.
on a conciliatory approach to rules to exclude strike action the Home Secretary remair admitted their leading wile 1 clunion.
Growing resistance to the Government's Prices and Incomes Policy is making 1968 into the most strikeprone year since the war and the Trende suggest that 1969 will be worse. Workers long accustomed to Despite serious and continuing grievances, such an attempt was rising living standards are finding themselves hard put to defend their past gains. Only the most misleading manipulation of official statistics could enable Barbara Castle to manual and white-collar - who assert at this year's Labour Party Conference that real wages have not fallen since devaluation. When seasonal abnormalities are removed.
The union launched in 1913 was intended first for London something she neglected to do. the Government's own figures show that retail prices rose by nearly 2% more than weekly earnings in the eight months following devaluation. and victimisation of members ap- This is hardly surprising as the Chancellor of the Excheouer's stated aim has been to reduce consumption by 2% during 1968.
The Labour leaders defence of a policy so much at variance with their promises of a planned growth of bership of several thousands. Then incomes is simple enough. Britain has been overspending its income and a new executive of servingpolicemen took over. They decided by about 2500m a year and is now The authorities, changing the union deeply in debt to forcin bankers id requesting recognition. Though who are demanding payment. Since adamant in refusing this. no we are in no position to refuse drustie steps must be taken to reverse immediate action was taken gainst those who had now openly... the atends of tecent: years vRow Jenkins estimates " that altogether have to pay their officers well and provide them with special quarters and so on. Furthermore their troops do no productive work. Let us assume, therefore, that our troops whilst being trained. Apprentides. would cost £3,000 a head including sixthformers, and students tend to annual equipment expenditures. This have lower incomes than other will give a total cost of t450m a workers of the same age which is year. clearly wrong. But the difference is nothing like large enough to justifv Higher Wages: Where is the Money the increase in income associated to come from? with qualification. particularly at Arms Cuts £1,400,000,000 the higher levels where a degree or Maximum income of its equivalent may be worth as much £36 a week E2 000.000.000 as an extra thousand a year or more Full Employment £2.400,000,000 after tax. We must. therefore, widen our definition of the privileged to Total E5.600.000.000 include doctors. dentists, managers. less academics and others like them. Jenkins Target saving £1,000,000,000 To see what could be saved by eliminating these privileges suppose Remainder. E4.600.000.000 we take E3l a week after tax. or roughly t36 a week before tax, as a equals E85 a year after tax for every reasonable in man. woman and child in Britain. Britain today. According to the Inor E6-10s a week after tax for every land Revenue 2,3 million or about family of four. 8 of income receivers are at present getting more than thie Now in any socialist country sur- amount. Most of these are selfrounded by a hostile world the para- employed, salary earners, or rentiers. military forces in the form of worker Thirty-nine forty wage and student militias play a vital role. earners receive less as do nine out Suppose we assume a total for these of ten salary carners. of 2 million cquipped mainly with Savings would be even lareer than rifles, machine guns, anti-lank and those from arms cuts. Irithe 196g anti-aireraft weapons. The cost will Tiland Revenue
mported from the cast. insulled by Russian troops in 1944. This sanction continued to preservi it: and while it has now taken on an existence of its own, that existence is bounded by the limitation of its birth. It is not without its virtues, but its future progress is unclear.
condition of the film industry provides an interesting example. The government decided that h an industry was importart and had to be created. Accordingly, a complicated structure was set up in which teams of producers, directors, writers were encouraged to arise and make hims according to their inclinations. The crude commercial considerations by which the British cinema is restrained were at once avoided, for reimbursement to the teams by no means totally depends on box office receipts, and is related to a system of critical assessment organised within the industry itself: a maximum scale was fixed beyond which the directors, actors, and the like could not enrich themselves..
Alm-making potentially streets ahead of anything now possbie the producers freed fro monopolies do not gain a stranglehold upon the industry itse many of the problems of raising money from the banks, do not end up making films which will have an instant and commercial success.
A film industry created wholly from above may take on a life of its own, but it will remain responsible to those who originally installed it. The goverument judged, during the student demonstrations in the spring. that the Lodz film school was the centre of undesirable ideas, that experimental films should also be avoided. The school director was fired and, for the year 1968-69 no new students will be admitted to the school. The intention is to restrain the formatic of ideas considered anti-socialist, but the condition of the industry necessarily deteriorates and those who work within it grow cynical and disillusioned., If the emema declines as a result of restraints placed upon it from above, the standards which in aspeet of the way in which it has responded lies in the importing of soap operas like Bonanza. Di Kildare, Sherlock Holmes, and their screening on the tele. Perhaps it hopes to keep the population quiet. A government implementing socialism it may claim to be, but its vast programme of industrialisation has not created a working class with a revolutionary consciousness, merely one which judges all by the yardstick of material progress and which, manipulated into existence, is often apathetic. For nearly twenty years, the government crushed catholicism, nationalism, pro-Americanism, and such other, reactionary tendencies as it was able to combat; but nothing in the nature of a real conflict has emerged between revolutionary and reactionary social forcesthe imposition of socialist measures from above. It earned much unpopularity, but, while Poland was threatened by the West and above all. required to industrialise, it could keep itself together. In the political field. Polish nationalism, a compound of spurious territorial claims, traditionally associated with hostility towards the Russians, Germans, Czechs, and every other neighbour, is encouraged once again: worse, a degree of anti-semitism is permitted to arise. In the cultural field, the desire for popularity leads the government to introduce, for example, quantities of Western junk on the tele: and standards further sink as all those making television serials set out to compete along these lines. The medium Then becomes neglected by those with talent and imagination.
From this vicious circle, which holds true in every feld of national life, Poland seems unable to escape. It is a country without a revolutionary tradition, and the working class movement before the war gained very little ground: socialist measures are imposed with the best intentions in the world. industrialisation under public ownership becomes very far advanced, but the working class which rapidly arises is politically apathetic and wishes only to advance its living standards. Education has been muc extended and the proportion of students with working class backgrounds naturally increased: political education, however, is particularly deficient, and the sophistication of the students rather small. Morism is confused with the Stalinists excesses, the study of the works of Rost Luxemburg-the greatest Pole of all -are officially discouraged, and the student movement in the cities in the spring, while taking to the streets or occupying university buildings. pressed for liberalisation in terms which would have done credit to a philosopher like J.S. Mill. I found life in Poland a very welcome change, and to return to Britain after three months there was to realise that capitalism stinks. But however far ahead of Britain the socialist institutions of Poland may be, that society can surely go no further in the absence of a definite socialist consciousness: and there seems no way in which this can come about. "We want a Polish Dubcek* was a slogan much bannered in the streets in March, but there was little realisation among those to whom I talked, who had taken part in those events, that the reform of Czech socialism, the end of Stalinist excesses, can take place only because that system was installed by the working class. in the factories, by the ballot box, and, finally, armed and on the streets. On the basis of the actions of 1948, there is nothing that Czech society cannot now achieve; Poland's future is circumscribed by the limitations of its past BINE HER SAFEED rules to exchide airlie action the Home Secretary immediate action was admitted their leading ric TA he union. e The London member, PC. Thiel, ras dismissed on the grounds of his union their no-strike pledge and deanded his reinstatement. within two days. The authorities refusedo take this ultimatum seriously: but they had misjudged disastrasly the temper of the police. On work: the next day the vernment surrendered. The Prime Britain. Chains of cinem Minister. Lloyd George, interned personally to agree a settlement which provided for the dismied man's reinstatement, a guarantee additional bonus and pensioimprovements.
would withdrawn discipline. To lead the olfere, a new Chief Commissioner was appointed: General Machad famous previously as leader of the achieve further glories with th lack and Tans In 1919 came the showin. The unien leade formal recognition and furth wage increases. But at the same time, the authorities were dzently undermining rank and file support: first by establishin a separate representation for eagrade of police, to discuss general conditions of service: then by oviding pay increases without any merely negotiation with the union.
policy of victimisation. and active London member. PC Spackman, was dismissed. The un again reacted militantly, and a ballot showed a massive major for strike action to begin in June. Macready in turn warned th any striker would be dismissed instantly; simultaneousty theithorities announced further pay increases. At this critical staghe union leaders lost their nerve. and decided to postpone theitrike indefinitely. Having exposed the union's weakness, the goviment moved at once into the final stages of its attack. In July it roduced legislation to make police membership of a trade union gal, as a substitute a tame organisation would be created, the Pre Federation.
Faced with the threat oftinction, the an immediate strike to defe the right to organise. response in London was poor ssthan one in ten came out - and in the rest of the country deris. The only exception was Mersey. side. where half the force stop work, riots broke out, and troops were sent in. Little more thar000 of the country's police supported the strike call. and avere dismissed. The Police Act became law, and from Septem 1919 police trade unionism whe illegal. (The union itself retaine paper existence for many years. an impotent spokesman for thamissed strikers).
British police. despite their ros of oppression of the bourgcoist working-class movement. Theirest was due in part to the half-hearted support they received m historic event offer a spark of hitbat, when the crisis comes, the rank and fle of our comrades fee may yet ioin the right side in the class struggle?
rejuesting recognition. Though ng payment. Sine adamant in refusing this. no. drastie steps must be taken to reverse it no position to refun pinst those who had now openly the sends of recent years. Rov Jenkins estimatel that altogetber situation chanesd n August 1918 when a prominent expenditure must be cut by abour 11,000m a year. Armie cuts and a membership. The won leaders immediately abandoned special levy on the rich will provide part of the money bat. he sayk the scope for such savings is limited and he workers must therefore accept some sacrifices. Real wages must be August 30th virtually all 1200 of the Metropolitan force stopped cut, taxes raised, and plans for expanding the social services postponed, Now there are reasons for doubting Jenkins statement that Britain of the right to organise, a per cent increase in basic pay, and needs to save £1,000m a year to become solvent and thereby inde An official counter-attac was however soon to follow. Lloyd pendent. But let us give him benefit of the doubt and assume that the George was to become notous for his broken pledges to trade £1.000m is the right igure, Does it unionists, and this case was bical. Despite the terms of the strike then follow as he claims that the settlement, it was announced at the NUPPO would not be recog- workers must accept sacrifices benised; and though the poliomight remain members, this right cause there is no other way of saving enough money. or is it simply in lt event of any interference with Labour's unwillingness to make these savings which makes them behave as they are doing? government forces against thminers in Tonypandy, and later to To answer this question we must look at the patterns of income. expenditure, and waste in our society.
The first and most obvious place by the previous success, becue increasingly vocal in demanding for saving is armaments.
military expenditure including civil detence cost £2.412m some t406m Representative Board, with more than in 1964 the last year of Tory rule. As proportion National Income it has despite official claims to the contrary. risen slightly from in 1964 to Macready soon felt his sition strong enough to begin a 7.7%0 in 1967. The recently announced cuts are to use the Government's own description of its social service economies cuts in an expanding programme.
From a capitalist point of view much of this is money well spent. particularly as it happens to be other people's money, although even on the Right there are doubts amongst the Powellites. But from a socialist point of view it is either waste. pure and simple, or cise is positively evil.
Of course. even a socialist Britain union leaders again would. in the absence of world vacillated. At the beginning olgust they finally issued a call for socialism. have to be armed but both • simple doing no kind of work at all.
But the the nature and cost of its militars forces would be radically different.
The exact size of this force would naturally depend on the external political situation at the time and any estimate cannot be better than a wild guess, but for comparison let us look at the Cuban armed forces 121.000. Canada 107.000. South Africa 22,000 Hungary 109,000.
Denmark 50,000, and Sweden 82.000.
The rise of the NUPPO wa brief but spirited attempt by the Let us assume a regular force of instruments of the machinery 150.000 for Britain. This will ha to ally themselves with the roughly one man for every citizens or a bit less than the Chinese who have one for every 280. organised labour. Does this What would regular forces of this size cost? Swedish armed forces which are very well equipped cost about 13.500 hon then ours would cost as the Swedes super puttie stora vial rele carners receive less as do mine out poseing assume s total for these or 2 millon equipped mainly with Savings would be even langer than rifles, mochine guns, anti-tank and those from arms cuts. I the 196g anti-aircraft weapons. The cost will Inland Revenue statistics are he composed of two elements. One brought up to date they sugees afternoon's training a week during saving of about $1.000m Tos 1908 working hours which might cost on Even this is too small as chese stati average 12 a head in lost output and tics exclude certain sategories of perhaps a further K3 on equipment income. A more realistic figure making a total of 45 per man per would be 12,000m and maybe more week. Even this may be an over- This is double Roy Jenkins' targe estimate for the afternoon's training of E1,000m. might be enjoyable and could not Finally we come to the biggest fairly be called cost. If E5 a week is waste of all. There are at present about right then the total cost of 585.000 workers registered as un the militia will be fiom a week or employed in Britain and several £520m a yea, times that number who have left the All told then Britain could have a labour force altogether as there is well-equipped regular military force no work available. Most of this of 150.000 plus an armed and waste is directly attributable trained militia of 2 million for less than £1,000m a year. Is there any- Government policy. imports from getting out of hand To prevent one who can deny that such a force output is being deliberately kept would serve the ends of socialism down. Worse still. to weaken the better than the present forces. The bargaining power of the working huge worker and student militias class the Government is talking of organised democratically on maintaining indefinitely a margin of factory, college, or other appropriate spare capacity or to put the matter level would provide a powerful more bluntly spare men. weapon in the hands of the working In a socialist Britain neither of people to ensure that power did not these would be necessary. With a escape them. Combined with the planned import policy output would regular forces stationed at home not have to be restricted, and there they would constitute a far more would be no question of anyone effective invader than do the existing using economic sanctions against the forces which are spread from one workers as they would be in control. end of the world to another. Sunner would full employThe savings would be fantastic - ment save? Far more than most over t1.400m or nearly one and a realise. According to an half times what the Government is article in Economic Trends a fall of trying to save from all quarters put * in the unemployment level leads together, on average to a rise of about 1% Next comes the income of the in output. This means that a fall privileged. The Labour Party has from the present level of 24% down always defined these as the very rich to 1%. which is almost certainly not property owners and has been able the minimum possible. would raise to claim quite correctly that the output by 6 or in money terms amount they consume is relatively £2.400m. In other words the Governinsignificant. ment's unemployment policies are But this is now and has always. costing at least £2.400m a year in been a misleading way of approach- lost output. ing the questions of inequality and Altogether these add up to tha exploitation. The privileged ate not fantastic total of £5.600m. Even the very rich but the comfortable after subtracting Mr. Jenkins target getting more than t2.000 a year be- £1.000m saving this leaves fore tax. Some are rentiers pure and £4.600m which could be used for raising wages. improving the social But the bulk are salary earners or services, or helping revolutionary self-employed. Some of their income. countries abroad. This is equivalent perhaps a fifth or so, comes to Ess a year after tax for every directly from property in the form man woman and child in the coun of houses they rent or shares they try. For a family of fourt thi own. Most, however. is what is amounts to E6-10s a week after tax called earned income. Now Labour Compared to these figures the like other social democratic parties engineers claims for an all round has never really confronted the fact increase of 30s a week and certain that much carned income is really other improvements does not seem property income in discuise. being a excessive. If anything it seems too return either on property employed modest. in business by the self-employed. or And this is only the tin of the else is a return on disguised property iceberg. It takes no account of the in the form of education which is resources wasted in administering assuming increasing importance as and protecting capitalist wealth nor the number of trained people in looking after capitalism's casual-, increases: ties. Nor does it take account of the Of course, some of the extra in. involved in capitalism's come trained people receive is a to social reward for sacrifices they have made problems.
THE BLACK DWARF 13.7 John Hoyland