tical line as well as their strategy The May wind from France shook are based on these historical facts. the Labour leaders. Now the proThe ETA leaders have understood: posals of the L.P. N.E.C. ("INDUS(a) That not all inhabitants of the TRIAL DEMOCRACY") for more Basque: are Basque. workers' participation running Those of Basque origin mav industry. look like an even be a minority. steal de Gaulle's new clothes before (b) The industrial proletariat, which The even has a chance to wear them!
has the most militant tradition That the NEC now acts on the 1967 in the whole of the peninsula.
report of the Committee it set up will attach more importance to under Jack Jones, is part of the the than (presumably on the Steel Board "participation" proposals steps model, of worker-directors who towards workers' or a immediately ceased to be workers in deliberate side-tracking of the camsensel). Clearly they want to paign for workers* control? And draw the union bureatcrats into new this attempt by the Labour leaderresponsibilities and closer collabora- ship to steal the steam laboriously tion with the management —as junior built up by the WORKERS CONpartners, powerless against the TROL CAMPAIGN, raises other dominant capitalists, their state and questions which TRIBUNE doesn't the laws of their economy: i.e. ask: about the nature of that institutionalise class collaboration by campaign. These questions must be asked if the NFC is to be exposed. Real workers' control is possible tion which consistently pushes the only as the local concomitant of Marxist understanding of the State. workers' state power, or as a transi- the scab nature of the Labour and tional regime in the revolutionary trade union bureaucracy, and which upsurge (which, if not consolidated, fights both. Reformists and union will be followed by defeat). Militant bureaucracy (who have a Fabian shop floor organisations are, theory and practice on the state and course, permanently fighting for an class struggle) assembling behind extension of controls on the un- such a slogan, create confusion and bridled powers of management. An a verbal, literary - - i.e. false - syneruption and qualitative deepening thacie hattupen Fabian socialism of this presupposes a real shake-up (with its cold nationalisation by the
was a vital part of the re- letariat aPparatus in the Basque was the i not so much as a perverted PSOE (Partido Socialista of political prisoners but Espanol) at • he was a sort of living Communist He had always lived near dent ench border, a strategic point *Pasionaria tching the travels of under- ing area activists. In the early after- a few miles f August 2nd he was shot on ing class of rcase of his house. The house and now th nly four minutes from the the human and rain had emptied the Basque In the of Irun. During the summer, are ad to the border is packed ars. It seems that the 'killer' BACC ound le are now asking themselves have aning and the possible conses of this assassination. After Che, najor act of terrorism the imKke an altempt to steal de Gaulle's new clothes before ich he even has a chance to wear them!
That the NEC now acts on the 1967 la. report of the Committee it set up to under Jack Jones, is part of the the Class than to post-May reckonings of the bosses way of a con-trick. The proposals nationalist.
and their servants: the system needs demore safety valves. The NEC proverooment posals are also meant as a safety nivalve for the anger of the Party he Conference in September-as a sop, peninsula. "a little bit of socialism."
on on- Legislation is proposed on the be right of the workers (i.e. Union leaders) to:- information ery Company affairs; (2) consultation; ers vio- (3) representation on the Boards etc. strategy of ETA = Tue has not been by buift up by the WORKERS' CON poweriess against TROL CAMPAIGN, raises other dominant capitalists, their state and questions which TRIBUNE doesn't the laws of their economy: i.e. to ask: about the nature of that Institutionalise class collaboration by campaign. These questions must be asked if the NEC is to be exposed. are designed to strengthen the em- Workers' control is the essence of ployers, the state and the Union socialism, but the general phrase is machines - against the workers' open to myriad interpretations. The interests. Thus the proposals on in- slogan is useful if it aims at developformation are irrelevant. Posed to ing workers" assertiveness - though workers the slogan practice this develops not from OPEN THE BOOKS can lead them generalised propaganda but as part forward. But accessibility of infor- of a struggle. To mount a one-issue mation to tame union leaders under campaign around workers control. the patronage of the bosses state under which all sorts of confusion is a different matter entirely. and political gradation gather, is TRIBUNE has asked: are the pointless if not harmful. will he followed b have a Fanta shop theory and practice on the state and course, permanently fighting for an class assembling behind extension of controls on the un- such a slogan, create confusion and bridled powers of management. An a verbal, literary — i.c. false - syneruption and qualitative deepening thesis between Fabian socialism of this presupposes a real shake-up (with its cold nationalisation by the for the whole system. But under a bourgeois state with or without more or less stable bourgeois state Inorganic workers* "participation") "workers' control" in any institu- and the working class. That Wilson tionalised form becomes participa- nopes TO thrive on the current tion, a sham to reconcile the workers state of the workers' to the system. control campaign indicates the need To demand permanent workers' -taking the current Campaign level is to demand workers' and the NEC proposals as starting power. And for the slogan as such point — to campaign for a revolube positive it depends on who tionary Marxist understanding of makes the propaganda: the slogan what is involved. - WORKERS must be in the hands of an organisa- FIGHT.